President Ramaphosa to meet Eminent Persons Group to discuss National Dialogue amid criticism
The gathering comes after Ramaphosa announced the appointment of EPG to guide and champion the National Dialogue.
"The EPG consists of prominent individuals in society with a proven commitment to the advancement of social cohesion and nation-building. The Eminent Persons are drawn from across the country and from many fields of endeavour in our public life," said the presidency.
During this first meeting, President Ramaphosa is expected to outline the expectations and core mandate of the EPG, providing a framework through which they can operate effectively.
Furthermore, the EPG will receive a briefing from the National Dialogue Preparatory Task Team, which is currently finalising arrangements for the inaugural National Convention set to take place on August 15, 2025.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Daily Maverick
an hour ago
- Daily Maverick
If heeded, Ramaphosa's judicial commission could mark a new era of integrity in South Africa
President Cyril Ramaphosa's announcement on Sunday night of a judicial commission of inquiry into alleged corruption and political interference in South Africa's policing authorities may prove to be a pivotal moment in the country's battle to restore public trust in our justice system. Sparked by alarming claims from KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, this inquiry now sits at the crossroads of institutional reform and constitutional accountability. Yet, the depth of the allegations suggests this moment demands more than a routine political reaction — it demands a national reckoning. The breadth and depth of the allegations are astonishing. The accusations include sabotaging politically motivated investigations, collusion with criminal syndicates, and systemic infiltration of the police, prisons, the prosecuting authority and judiciary. The immediate placement of Police Minister Senzo Mchunu on special leave has raised difficult but essential questions. Is special leave an adequate response to such serious allegations? Should stronger disciplinary or even prosecutorial measures have been considered? Is the South African Police Service fundamentally compromised and in urgent need of comprehensive reform? Ramaphosa's announcement rightly triggers comparisons to one of the most consequential corruption probes in modern democratic history: the 1989 Fitzgerald Inquiry in Queensland, Australia. South Africa's unfolding inquiry finds a striking echo in the celebrated Fitzgerald Inquiry, which was also a response to deep-seated police and political corruption. System overhaul That investigation, formally known as the Commission of Inquiry Concerning Possible Illegal Activities and Associated Police Misconduct, exposed systemic corruption within Queensland's police force and government, ultimately transforming both. Led by Justice Tony Fitzgerald, the inquiry not only toppled a sitting premier and sent a police commissioner to prison — it overhauled entire systems of oversight, ethics and accountability. What made the Fitzgerald Inquiry so transformative was its scope. It did not merely focus on individual wrongdoing, but illuminated how institutional rot takes root and flourishes when cultures of impunity go unchecked. It exposed bribery, illegal gambling, prostitution rings and deep ties between organised crime, the police and politicians. Fitzgerald's final report issued more than 100 recommendations, including the restructuring of the Queensland Police Service, the creation of independent oversight bodies such as the Criminal Justice Commission (now the Crime and Corruption Commission), and stronger protections for whistle-blowers. Importantly, Premier Joh Bjelke Petersen resigned, and Police Commissioner Sir Terence Lewis was jailed (and stripped of his knighthood). Crucially, these were implemented with political will and public support. In South Africa, the echoes are disturbingly familiar. Our nation has already endured the corrosive effects of corruption — and the lesson should be clear: superficial reform is not reform at all. Once again, we find ourselves confronted by allegations not merely of individual misconduct, but of a coordinated attempt to subvert justice for political ends. The question is no longer whether we should act — but how comprehensively we are willing to do so. Scapegoating Ideally, the scope of the judicial commission must extend beyond Minister Mchunu. While his alleged actions are deeply troubling, isolating him risks scapegoating one individual while ignoring the broader dysfunction. Perhaps the inquiry must probe the entire law and justice cluster, including the police, prison services, the National Prosecuting Authority and even elements within the judiciary itself. These institutions form the bedrock of our democracy. If they are compromised, our constitutional order is not merely under strain — it is under siege. By broadening the mandate, the commission can identify root causes — hierarchies of power, gaps in internal oversight, incentive systems — and guide comprehensive reform. The EFF decried 'special leave' as a 'cowardly deflection', alleging that it breaches Section 98 of the Constitution on ministerial accountability. Constitutionally, South Africa has robust protections designed to uphold the rule of law, from judicial independence (Section 165) to prosecutorial impartiality (Section 179). Yet these safeguards are only as effective as our willingness to defend and enforce them. Ethical governance requires more than rhetorical commitment — it demands action, including real consequences for breaches of public trust. Placing a minister on leave is a procedural start, not a resolution. One should not be perceived as an alarmist. However, it would be short-sighted to ignore concerns expressed by others that ethics and accountability are under siege. South Africa's constitutional democracy depends on the integrity of its law-and-order structures Comparative global examples reinforce this. Other nations facing similar crises have taken decisive action: In Italy, the Mani Pulite ('Clean Hands') investigations during the 1990s led to widespread arrests and political resignations, reshaping Italian politics and reinforcing prosecutorial independence. Police reforms In India, landmark Supreme Court rulings of 2006 catalysed police reforms and called for the establishment of independent complaint authorities. The court directed all States and Union Territories to constitute Police Complaints Authorities (PCAs) in its landmark judgment on police reforms. These examples demonstrate that institutional failure can be overcome — but only through transparency, accountability, and systemic reform. In our current moment, the South African public deserves more than the promise of justice — they deserve its full pursuit. Anything less would not only betray the ideals enshrined in our Constitution, it would squander a rare and crucial opportunity for renewal. If treated as a mere exercise in optics, the effort risks joining past commissions that failed to deliver change. But if heeded — and acted upon — the inquiry could mark the beginning of a new era of integrity in South Africa. DM
The Herald
9 hours ago
- The Herald
'He acted decisively': Ndlozi supports Ramaphosa's decision amid criticism
Opposition parties including the EFF, ActionSA, DA, GOOD Party, ATM and Build One SA have rejected Ramaphosa's decision. The EFF said Ramaphosa should've fired Mchunu instead of placing him on special leave. 'This so-called 'special leave' is a cowardly deflection, designed to shield a corrupt minister whose involvement in organised crime has been laid bare by Mkhwanazi,' EFF spokesperson Sinawo Thambo said. Build One SA leader Mmusi Maimane said the move was not enough. 'We have had enough commissions of inquiry. I believe Mchunu should have been fired and the other ministers who have lied to parliament. This was a missed opportunity,' he said. The DA said it would not allow another commission of inquiry that would take years to yield results. 'These allegations provided the president with an opportunity to show bold and firm leadership,' DA leader John Steenhuisen said. 'Instead, he has again outsourced executive responsibility to a commission and South Africans have grown cynical of talk shops, task teams and commissions which they see as buying time and avoiding accountability. 'The country cannot afford another elaborate filing cabinet of findings that gathers dust while the politically connected escape justice.' Social media users have also expressed disapproval of Ramaphosa's decisions. Here are more reactions from X:
Mail & Guardian
9 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Trust in South African police at an all time low, report shows
Public trust in the South African Police Service is at an all-time low, with just over a fifth of citizens having faith in the police since 2022 (File photo by Delwyn Verasamy/M&G) Public trust in the The study by the Ramaphosa said he was setting up a judicial commission of inquiry to be chaired by the acting deputy chief justice, Mbuyiseli Madlanga, to investigate what he called 'the infiltration of law enforcement, intelligence and associated institutions within the criminal justice system by criminal syndicates'. According to From 1998 to 2010, the average level of trust ranged between 39% and 42%, but dropped sharply in the 2011-13 period following the In 2021, trust in the police fell to 27%, apparently as a result of the 'The findings of this study underscore the urgent need for SAPS to prioritise building public trust and confidence,' the HSRC's Benjamin Roberts, the principal investigator of the study, commented. 'By adopting a more community-focused and accountable approach to policing, we can work towards creating safer and more secure communities for all South Africans.' In his live address on Sunday, Ramaphosa said the allegations against Mchunu and others made last week by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi posed a grave threat to the rule of law and national security. Mchunu has denied the allegations against him. On Monday, the HSRC said trust in the police had fallen in all provinces over the past two and a half decades, although there were notable disparities. The Eastern Cape and Northern Cape consistently recorded the highest levels of trust, averaging 43% and 42% respectively, while Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal had the lowest average trust levels at 29% and 34% respectively, slumping to just 18% in 2024-25. 'Provinces such as the Free State and Limpopo, which once reported relatively high trust, have also experienced marked declines, reaching 23% by 2024-25. By the time of the 2024-25 survey round, no province recorded trust levels above 30%,' the HSRC said. 'The trend points to a deepening legitimacy crisis for SAPS across the country, with historically higher-trust provinces converging downward toward the levels of deep scepticism observed in Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal.' The report added that public views of the police were influenced by broader evaluations of democratic performance and the trustworthiness of the government. 'Public confidence in democratic institutions has shown a strong downward trend over the past 17 years, as part of a general pattern of diminishing political support. Police confidence is not immune to the pull-down effect of these wider trends,' it said. Established in 1968 as a statutory research agency, the HSRC's mandate is to inform the effective formulation and monitoring of government policy, evaluate policy implementation and encourage public debate.
