
Messages From the U.S. Attack on Iran
Re 'The Perils of Unchecked U.S. Power Abroad,' by Oona A. Hathaway (Opinion guest essay, June 24):
Many commentators, in this newspaper and elsewhere, have asserted that presidents cannot use military force without congressional authorization. This position fundamentally misreads the Constitution's war powers framework. While Congress holds the power to 'declare war,' this term was explicitly chosen in place of 'make war'' to prevent the legislature from requiring the nation to wage war by committee.
The Constitution's true check on presidential war-making lies in Congress's exclusive control over military funding. Once lawmakers appropriate funds for military capabilities, the president's constitutional role as commander in chief grants broad discretion over deployment. This reflects the founders' deliberate design: Congress controls the sword through appropriations, while the president wields it through command authority.
Historical practice confirms this framework. Since World War II, nearly every postwar president has unilaterally initiated military force without first consulting Congress, with George W. Bush being the sole exception thanks to the broad authorization for the use of military force that Congress passed early in his first term after the Sept. 11 attacks.
Congress retains powerful tools to constrain military action: reducing appropriations, restricting funding for specific operations or eliminating capabilities entirely. But legislators cannot simultaneously fund military forces and then claim constitutional authority to micromanage their tactical deployment.
Nicholas B. CreelMilledgeville, Ga.The writer is an associate professor of business law at Georgia College and State University.
To the Editor:
There are many of us who opposed the U.S. decision to bomb Iran last weekend. Of note is the fact that, as a result of the attack, some reports show that at a minimum Iran's nuclear capability has been set back many years.
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