China's Communist Party now has 100 million members. Many are in it for the paycheck.
When President Trump started restricting study visas this spring in what he described as a move to safeguard national security, his administration zeroed in on students from China—pledging to keep out those with ties to the Chinese Communist Party.
But for many in China, being a party member isn't necessarily about ideology or loyalty to leader Xi Jinping and his efforts to challenge the U.S. Rather, joining the party is widely considered a step toward securing an 'iron rice bowl"—stable and guaranteed employment, typically in the government or a state enterprise.
As China grapples with a sluggish economy where the private sector isn't creating enough jobs, the government is getting a boost. Millions are trying to join a political party that is more populous than most countries and secure jobs in the vast bureaucracy that it runs, despite Xi's escalating mission to police the conduct of officials.
Party membership surpassed 100 million people for the first time in 2024, according to official data issued on Monday, marking a 1.1% increase from the preceding year. The party counted about 21.4 million membership applicants at the end of December, up 2.1% from a year earlier.
On Chinese social-media platforms, users trade tips on whether and how to join the party—particularly on ways to navigate a yearslong admission process that requires essays, interviews and participation in party activities through long probation periods.
'People around me have all joined the party," one user wrote on Xiaohongshu, an Instagram-like app also known as RedNote, adding several crying-face emojis. 'Feeling so anxious."
Xi has steadily tightened Communist Party rules on conduct, curbed perks and put officials through tedious political rituals.
Even so, the party retains significant appeal. Party membership, while not necessarily a prerequisite for a government job in China, offers applicants an advantage over those without party affiliation.
'Xi Jinping has made the lives of low-level officials miserable, and bureaucrats now have to work very hard," said Hanzhang Liu, an assistant professor of political studies at Pitzer College in California. 'But they have enviable job security."
The allure of a steady government paycheck has grown in recent years as China struggles to overcome a property crunch, tepid consumer spending and high youth unemployment. Job creation in the private sector isn't sufficient to take in the millions of vocational-school and college students who graduate each year.
As China's economy boomed in the 1990s and 2000s, many officials and government workers quit to seek their fortunes in a flourishing private economy, a practice known as xiahai or 'jumping into the sea."
Now, many job seekers are trying to shang'an—'return to shore"—by seeking stable work in the state sector.
Nearly 2.59 million people took China's national civil service exams in December, up about 15% from the year before, to compete for roughly 39,700 jobs to be filled this year, according to official data. Some 5.3 million people applied to take regional-level exams in 23 provinces this year, vying for about 166,000 vacancies, according to Huatu, a Chinese company that specializes in civil-service exam prep.
Survey data from Chinese job-seeking portal Zhaopin suggests that college graduates have increasingly prioritized job stability when making career choices. In 2024, some 51% of respondents indicated that 'stability is most important" when considering employment opportunities, up from about 30% who cited this factor in the 2021 survey.
'Civil service offers great job stability and generous benefits, especially compared with jobs in private sectors; it also confers high social status," according to Liu. 'The pull of a government job is so strong to so many in China that, on balance, its popularity is almost immune to short-term shocks," such as Xi's purges of corrupt officials and austerity efforts that result in cuts to government salaries, she said.
Communist Party members on average earn about 20% more in monthly income than nonmembers, likely thanks to better access to government jobs, higher-ranking positions and stronger social connections, according to a study published in 2020 by three U.S.-based researchers.
Chinese households with party members have enjoyed enduring advantages in wealth over families without party members, according to a study published last year. Those include preferential access to housing in the early phases of urban real-estate privatization and, in recent years, faster wealth accumulation through capital gains, according to the study by Europe-based researchers Matteo Targa and Li Yang.
While party membership offers privileges at home, it can become a liability abroad as some Western countries take steps to curb what they characterize as Communist Party influence operations. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in May that the U.S. would 'aggressively revoke visas for Chinese students, including those with connections to the Chinese Communist Party or studying in critical fields." U.S. officials didn't say how they would assess party ties or what degree of connection would result in the revocation of visas.
Since its founding more than a century ago, the Chinese Communist Party has evolved into a sprawling bureaucracy, comprising some 100.27 million people as of December. Its members staff government agencies from Beijing to the village level, manage state companies, and supervise everything from civic and religious groups to chambers of commerce and unions.
As China embraced market-style policies to deliver economic growth, the party eased its emphasis on Marxist ideology and, in the early 2000s, started allowing private entrepreneurs to join. Many Chinese came to see party membership less as a political commitment and more as a way to advance careers and profit from power.
Xi set out to reverse this trend when he took power in 2012, pledging to revive the party's revolutionary zeal and restore it as a positive force in people's lives. Doing so, he says, will help deliver the 'China Dream" of national rejuvenation.
Xi's emphasis on party control over economic affairs and state-led development has also dulled the luster of private businesses. The private sector's share of the combined market capitalization of China's 100 largest listed companies fell to 34% as of December from 55% in mid-2021, losing ground to state-owned and mixed-ownership firms, according to the Peterson Institute for International Economics.
As party leader, Xi imposed hefty political obligations on officials. He directed purges to clear out corrupt, disloyal and inept party members. He tightened rules to require officials to disclose their assets, prohibit them from aiding relatives in business, and punish those who send their families and assets abroad.
Party members must attend regular study sessions on Xi's speeches and on party directives and regulations. They have to engage in a revived Mao-era practice of criticizing each other and themselves. The party has also enforced more strictly its requirement for members to pay dues rated at 0.5% to 2% of their monthly wages.
Under Xi, who demanded 'strict gate-keeping" in recruitment, the party's membership-growth rate slipped as low as 0.13% in 2017—the slowest pace in decades—compared with a 3.1% increase in 2012. The expansion rate has since hovered at about 1%-1.5% for most years since 2018.
Some officials, especially those who saw party membership as a path to career success, have grumbled about Xi's political campaigns. Such dissatisfaction has fueled bureaucratic passivity and foot-dragging, impeding Beijing's ability to enforce policies.
Party authorities have criticized what they call a skewed mentality of seeking membership for personal gain, and urged efforts to rectify motivations for joining. Many local party offices and universities have arranged seminars for prospective members, drilling home the notion that joining the party ought to be a lifelong commitment driven by ideals.
'If you have improper motives for joining the party, you're likely to lose your way politically, harm the public and enrich yourself financially, and become ideologically corrupt," a university official in central China told one such seminar this spring. 'This will not only cause damage to the party's cause, but you'd also destroy yourself."
Write to Chun Han Wong at chunhan.wong@wsj.com
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Time of India
19 minutes ago
- Time of India
Two Chinese chip firms plan $1.7 billion IPOs, bet US export curbs to spur growth
BEIJING: Two Chinese artificial intelligence chip startups are seeking to raise a combined 12 billion yuan ($1.65 billion) in initial public offerings, hoping U.S. curbs on advanced chip sales to China will boost local demand for their products, their filings show. Beijing-based Moore Threads plans to raise 8 billion yuan, while Shanghai-based MetaX seeks 3.9 billion yuan, according to their IPO prospectuses filed on Monday. Both companies intend to list on Shanghai's STAR Market, the tech-focused board of the Shanghai Stock Exchange. Their fundraising plans underscore growing efforts by Chinese chipmakers to capitalise on Beijing's push to develop domestic champions in graphics processing units (GPU), which are crucial for AI development. Reuters reported last week that Biren Technology, another Chinese AI chipmaker, raised about 1.5 billion yuan in fresh funding and was preparing for a Hong Kong IPO. Developing domestic chip champions has become increasingly urgent for Beijing, as the U.S. tightens export restrictions, with the latest rules implemented in April banning Nvidia's H20 chips, one of its most popular chips, from being shipped to China. The U.S. has also imposed restrictions since last year that prevent Chinese AI chip designers from accessing advanced global foundries like Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing for producing cutting-edge semiconductors. Moore Threads and MetaX both cited U.S. sanctions as a major risk to their development but also emphasised the restrictions could create significant market opportunities. "U.S. restrictions on high-end GPU exports to China are prompting Chinese companies to accelerate domestic substitution processes," Moore Threads said. The company was added to the U.S. Entity List in late 2023 and is barred from partnering with TSMC. MetaX said "geopolitical pressures are forcing relevant domestic clients to use domestically-produced GPU products, which will help domestic GPU manufacturers establish closer ties with local customers and suppliers." The two firms design GPUs to compete with Nvidia products and have reported steep losses over the last three years, which they largely attributed to heavy research and development spending. Moore Threads generated revenue of 438 million yuan in 2024 but posted a loss of 1.49 billion yuan, adding to losses of 1.67 billion yuan in 2023 and 1.84 billion yuan in 2022. MetaX posted 2024 revenue of 743 million yuan against a 1.4 billion yuan loss, following losses of 871 million yuan in 2023 and 777 million yuan in 2022. "Moore Threads and MetaX are both considered leading GPU firms in China, and accessing the capital market in China would be crucial for them to continue their research and development," said He Hui, research director on semiconductors at Omdia. China's drive to achieve higher self-sufficiency in chips would help domestic GPU firms achieve economies of scale, crucial to generating higher revenue and profits, He said. Both companies were founded in 2020 by executives who previously worked at major U.S. chip firms. MetaX was founded by former AMD employees, including Chairman Chen Weiliang, who previously served as the U.S. chipmaker's global head of GPU product line design. Moore Threads was established by former Nvidia employees, including Chairman Zhang Jianzhong, who previously held the role of general manager for the AI chip giant's China operations. The two firms compete with a growing roster of domestic rivals including Huawei, Cambricon, Hygon and other startups.


Mint
an hour ago
- Mint
How Bain Capital rescued Australia's second-largest airline
SYDNEY—With businesses sending workers home at the start of the Covid-19 pandemic, Bain Capital's Mike Murphy dashed to buy his first webcam. While browsing an electronics store, his phone rang for one of the most important calls of his life. Bain Co-Chairman Steve Pagliuca had heard the Australia office established by Murphy in 2016 was considering a move for Virgin Australia. The country's No. 2 carrier had stumbled under the debt racked up in a capacity and price war with Qantas Airways. Global fleets had yet to be grounded, but travel demand was plummeting. It was clear airlines worldwide would need bailouts to survive. Pagliuca wanted to know what his local chief was thinking. 'I got a call saying, 'what's this I hear about some Virgin opportunity?'" Murphy, a partner on Bain's Asia-Pacific private-equity team, said. Instead of picking tech for his home office, Murphy told Pagliuca how Virgin Australia had run into trouble and about the opportunity in funding a turnaround. Key to the deal, Murphy said, was air travel's importance in a country where a third of the population lives across three cities separated by at least 500 miles. 'He got it very quickly," said Murphy. 'We had our chairman very supportive of the concept, subject to the work stacking up." Three months after that March 2020 conversation, Bain agreed to acquire Virgin Australia out of bankruptcy protection for 3.5 billion Australian dollars, equivalent to US$2.3 billion. Last week, the slimmed-down airline relisted with an implied enterprise value of A$3.62 billion. After a 15% rise across its first two days on market, the stock is 8.3% up on its initial public offering price. Bain this year sold a 25% stake in Virgin to Qatar Airways for an undisclosed amount. It remains the largest shareholder with 40% and will stay invested for at least another year. The IPO was Australia's most anticipated of recent years. Bain, which has over US$185 billion in assets under management, relaunched Virgin into an aviation industry reshaped by the pandemic. A two-time Olympian with Australia's diving team, Murphy became interested in Virgin in 2019. Already stretched by an attempt to take on Qantas across domestic and international routes, Virgin raised more capital to take full ownership of its loyalty program. That A$700 million acquisition left Virgin with a debt almost 5.5 times the size of its earnings. As a listed company, albeit one partially owned by Etihad Airways, Singapore Airlines and Chinese conglomerate HNA Group, Virgin's accounts were publicly available. 'Being five and a half times levered for any business publicly, but particularly for an airline, was a pretty alarmingly high level of leverage," Murphy said. 'It was clear that this could be a challenging situation." On March 20, 2020, that challenge became insurmountable when Australia closed its borders to nonresidents to limit Covid-19's spread. It would be almost two years until the country welcomed visitors again. Domestic fleets were also grounded for long spells. While Qantas raised capital from equity markets, Virgin entered bankruptcy protection after lawmakers refused financial aid on fears it would amount to a bailout of the foreign carriers that together owned 90% of the airline's stock. 'We mobilized from a couple of thought bubbles in this office to a team of nearly 30 globally working on the deal," Murphy said. The airline's administrator, Deloitte, slashed costs to keep it afloat but Murphy and his team needed to convince colleagues the deal was worth pursuing. Its complexity meant the investment committee had 11 members rather than the typical seven, with representatives from Bain's private-equity and credit teams. The final committee meeting began at 11 p.m. Sydney time on Sunday, June 21. With unanimous support essential, the discussion ran until 7 a.m. 'I was in my study watching no planes fly in the sky all night long. It was a very, very rigorous decision-making process," Murphy said. On June 26, Deloitte, which had allowed 19 potential buyers to look at the books, announced Bain had beaten New York-based Cyrus Capital Partners and a late proposal by an ad hoc group of Virgin Australia bondholders. Bain swiftly injected more than A$100 million to cover short-term costs and set about overhauling the business for when planes could fly again. The retirement of Virgin's Tigerair budget carrier was confirmed, routes including to Los Angeles were scrapped, and more than 500 contracts were renegotiated or exited. Jobs were cut and employment terms were changed. The fleet was slimmed down and simplified from seven craft types to three, reducing maintenance and training costs, and improving network flexibility. 'It was a dramatic resetting of the cost base. The administration process allowed us to be able to do things that you can't normally do," Murphy said. After taking ownership in November 2020, Bain reintroduced some routes, overhauled fare structures, and made investments including in back-office technology and a business loyalty program. By the end of 2024, debt was down to 1.3 times earnings, roughly the same level reported by Qantas. With travel restrictions over, Virgin's underlying earnings margin improved from 2.9% prior to the pandemic, to 9.4% in the 12 months through June 2024. Its prospectus forecast was for an 11.1% margin this financial year. Bain moved forward with the IPO shortly after Australia's government approved Qatar Airways' investment in February this year. With staff numbers down by about 20% and revenues growing, the pitch to investors centered on Virgin as a strong, profitable No. 2 player happy to focus primarily on domestic operations. 'A lot of the activity is in Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne. There's no other alternative in getting between those cities except spending 12 hours driving," Murphy said. The IPO involved a 30% stake carved out of Bain's holding. Murphy, who this month was fundraising in Tokyo for Bain's sixth Asia fund, said the offering was oversubscribed and that Bain should be able to fully exit within its usual five- to seven-year window.


Hans India
an hour ago
- Hans India
Jaishankar Condemns Terror Tolerance And Rejects Nuclear Intimidation Tactics
External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar delivered a forceful statement during his United States visit, declaring that India will no longer succumb to nuclear intimidation tactics when confronting cross-border terrorism. Speaking at a high-profile event in New York, the senior BJP leader characterized the devastating Pahalgam attack as a calculated act of economic warfare designed to cripple Kashmir's tourism-dependent economy. During his conversation with Newsweek CEO Dev Pragad at the publication's headquarters near the 9/11 Memorial in Manhattan, Jaishankar emphasized that the attack, which claimed 26 lives, was strategically orchestrated to inflict maximum economic damage on the region. The minister revealed that terrorists deliberately targeted victims based on their religious identity, indicating a sinister attempt to spark communal violence alongside economic disruption. Jaishankar expressed frustration with the longstanding international narrative that has historically constrained India's counter-terrorism responses due to nuclear considerations involving Pakistan. He firmly rejected the premise that India should remain passive in the face of terrorist attacks simply because both nations possess nuclear capabilities, stating that this approach has only emboldened terrorist elements operating with perceived immunity. The External Affairs Minister outlined India's evolved strategic approach, emphasizing that the country will no longer tolerate the argument that terrorists operating from across the border should be immune from retaliation. He specifically referenced India's Operation Sindoor and other counter-terrorism initiatives as examples of the nation's new proactive stance against terrorist threats, regardless of their geographical origins. Addressing the complex dynamics of regional security, Jaishankar made it clear that India's patience with what he termed "nuclear blackmail" has reached its limit. He stated unequivocally that India will take necessary action to protect its citizens, even if it means crossing international boundaries to target those responsible for terrorist activities. This represents a significant shift from previous diplomatic approaches that prioritized de-escalation over direct confrontation. The minister's comments reflect India's determination to challenge the traditional framework that has allowed terrorist organizations to operate with relative impunity by exploiting nuclear deterrence dynamics. He emphasized that India will no longer provide terrorists with what he called a "free pass" simply because they operate as proxy forces from neighboring territories. When questioned about the role of China in shaping India-US relations, Jaishankar strongly disputed suggestions that bilateral ties between New Delhi and Washington are primarily defined by their shared concerns about Chinese influence. He characterized such interpretations as grossly oversimplified and potentially misleading, arguing that the relationship between the two democracies encompasses far broader areas of cooperation and mutual interest. The External Affairs Minister described the India-US partnership as transformative, emphasizing that its significance extends well beyond any single geopolitical consideration. He rejected the notion that the relationship is primarily a response to Chinese regional ambitions, instead highlighting the multifaceted nature of cooperation between the world's oldest and largest democracies. Jaishankar's remarks came during his participation in various diplomatic engagements in the United States, including the QUAD Foreign Ministers' Meeting, demonstrating India's commitment to multilateral partnerships in addressing regional security challenges. His strong statements on terrorism and nuclear deterrence signal India's increasingly assertive approach to national security issues, marking a departure from previous diplomatic restraint in favor of more direct action against terrorist threats.