ActionSA introduces bill that would see removal of all deputy ministers
The party said this would save the country more than R1 billion yearly.
This follows President Cyril Ramaphosa's appointment of Professor Firoz Cachalia as acting police minister.
ActionSA parliamentary leader Athol Trollip said South Africa has the biggest Cabinet in the world.
'We have seen that deputy ministers are for all intents and purposes glorified doormen and doorwomen for the ministers. We've seen now in this case with the police incident that they are not good enough to be promoted to become ministers.'
Trollip said they want more levels of vetting.
'We believe that obviously the president has the right to select who he wants on his Cabinet, but we believe there must be some kind of screening. We've seen Justice Zondo this weekend saying how it pains him to swear ministers into Cabinet that he had found against in the Zondo commission.'
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Daily Maverick
12 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Southern African Liberation Movements Summit tries to revive its members' declining fortunes
The annual summit of the six southern African liberation movements reveals why they haven't evolved. The 2025 Liberation Movements Summit provided insights into why the six southern African movements governing or co-governing their countries have struggled to evolve into normal, democratic political parties. From 25 to 28 July, leaders gathered in Johannesburg for solidarity, introspection and mutual learning under the theme 'Defending the Liberation Gains, Advancing Integrated Socio-Economic Development, Strengthening Solidarity for a Better Africa'. The six movements are South Africa's ANC, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), Tanzania's Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the Mozambique Liberation Front (Frelimo), the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), and Namibia's South West Africa People's Organisation (Swapo). The summit's announcement by the host party, the ANC, said: 'This critical gathering reaffirms the ideological foundations of the six southern African liberation movements… and their historical role in securing independence, dignity and development across the region. It also seeks to reassert the relevance of these movements in a rapidly shifting global order.' The movements defeated colonial rule and apartheid and 'implemented landmark policies on land reform, education, housing, infrastructure and social protection', it said. 'However, these gains now face erosion due to renewed imperial pressures, economic crises and attempts at neocolonial interference. The [summit] provides a united platform to confront these threats and consolidate progressive regional responses.' Renewal is a good thing. But is this club the right vehicle for renewal and transformation? So the downturns of the six parties in government were entirely attributed to external forces, with no mention of internal causes. However, during the conference itself, some leaders did acknowledge internal ills. ANC secretary-general Fikile Mbalula said the movements' strategic imperatives now included defending the gains of liberation, which were 'under threat from internal erosion and external manipulation and interference', and confronting the reassertion of imperialism and geopolitical subversion. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa elaborated, saying the liberation movements had to 'contend with declining electoral support, shifting demographics, frustrated young people in our various countries, economic inequality and foreign interference'. He acknowledged a 'disconnect between our founding narratives and the lived realities of a new generation of young people' and admitted that 'many of the threats we face are internal', including corruption, patronage and the competition for public positions and resources. As a remedy, Ramaphosa said: 'We must institutionalise mechanisms for mutual accountability amongst our movements. We must find and hold each other to higher standards.' Namibian President Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah echoed that sentiment, saying 'we must hold each other accountable as sister parties' to fight corruption. As far as one could tell, none of the other parties echoed such introspection. Renewal is a good thing. But is this club the right vehicle for renewal and transformation? Lack of democracy, for example, cannot be blamed on outsiders. Only two of the six countries governed by these parties, South Africa and Namibia, can be considered truly democratic. Tanzania's CCM-led regime has imprisoned leading opposition leader, Tundu Lissu, on spurious grounds. Under Frelimo, Mozambique violently suppressed opposition at last year's election and last week charged the main opposition presidential candidate, Venâncio Mondlane, with 'incitement to terrorism' for leading protests against those presidential polls. In general, most of these liberation movements' refusal to allow full democracy is the main reason they have not evolved into real political parties. In Zimbabwe, Zanu-PF has systematically suppressed and dismantled any opposition since independence in 1980. Angola's ruling MPLA has also systematically stifled any opposition. Largely because of such manoeuvres, those four liberation movements have remained in power since independence or liberation. Under strong regional pressure, Zanu-PF briefly admitted the opposition Movement for Democratic Change into a coalition government from 2009 to 2013. But it conceded no real power and, in 2013, won another dubious election outright. It has ruled solo since then. Even in South Africa – one of the movement's two genuine democracies – the ANC fell to under 40% of the vote in national elections in 2024 and had to form a government of national unity with the liberal DA as its main partner. In general, most of these liberation movements' refusal to allow full democracy is the main reason they have not evolved into real political parties. For some of the six, the liberation ideology this summit was designed to revive appears to include an attempt to maintain state control over as much of the economy as possible. That has been one of the main causes of economic failure, as public infrastructure such as railways and ports crumbles. For the six movements themselves, there may indeed have been benefits from the summit, not least in picking up tips on how to stay in power despite the odds, and assurances of mutual political support. But for the populations of the six countries, it is hard to see much benefit. It seems unlikely that Ramaphosa's proposed peer review mechanism will see the light of day. And if it does, even less chance it will hold any of the movements accountable – especially for suppressing political opposition. It would appear that the democratic deficit wasn't even mentioned at the summit. Rather ironically, Ramaphosa observed: 'History demands that we don't allow our legacies to be buried under the rubble of revolutionary nostalgia.' Indeed, that is a real danger. And it was revealing that this was billed as a summit of liberation movements – not 'former' liberation movements, as they have described themselves up to now. That change may suggest that these movements, facing growing opposition to their rules, need to assert their continued relevance. The liberation struggle deserves an honourable place in Africa's history. In the present, we need to move on. The struggle – for democracy, prosperity and equality – should indeed continue, but not through this vehicle. Its members mostly can't offer each other good examples of how to achieve that. Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa told the summit: 'We have a sacred duty and responsibility to retain power for the purpose of advancing the people's agenda. We should never allow ourselves to lose power.' That captured what appears to be the real purpose of this club – collaborating to stay in power. DM
IOL News
13 hours ago
- IOL News
Is Zondo's Anti-Graft Crusade Political Grandstanding?
Former Chief Justice and State Capture Commission Chair Raymond Zondo hands over the Commission's final report report to President Cyril Ramaphosa in Pretoria on June 22, 2022. Image: Oupa Mokoena/African News Agency(ANA) Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu Former Chief Justice Raymond Zondo recently surprised many South Africans when he miraculously turned his back against President Cyril Ramaphosa on corruption and ethical conduct. His main concern was that it pained him to swear in Ministers he had made findings against while he was chairing the State Capture Commission. This was seen as an indictment of both Ramaphosa and the ANC. But was Zondo genuine when he raised this concern, or was he grandstanding so that he could regain public trust following accusations that he was not objective in executing his mandate – something that resulted in the 2021 unrests in KZN and Gauteng? The answer to this question depends on whether one holds former Chief Justice Zondo in high regard or perceives him as someone who used his position as the chairperson of the Commission to either settle political scores or fight other people's battles. To get a better sense of the context of Zondo's public statement, we need to go back into the history of the Zondo Commission and related matters. In January 2018, former President Jacob Zuma was instructed by a court of law to comply with Advocate Thuli Madonsela's recommendation that a Commission of Inquiry should be appointed to investigate the state of capture. She went further to propose that the person to chair this Commission must be appointed by the Chief Justice, not Zuma. This was done. Many things went wrong during the Commission's sitting. Zondo was accused of lacking impartiality. A case in point was his cordial interaction with President Ramaphosa, which was different from his engagement with Zuma. When Zuma felt ill-treated during his first appearance, he refused to return to the Commission. Zondo took the matter to the Constitutional Court, which tried Zuma in absentia and sent him to jail for fifteen months. This resulted in the July 2021 unrest. Another concern was when Zondo promised people like Lucky Montana and others that they would be allowed to present their side of the story. This never happened. The same happened with Arthur Fraser, who was accused of stealing what was first said to be R9 billion but later changed to R9 million. These are just some of the many things that went wrong in the Commission. After some extensions and additional funding, which pushed the Commission's budget to close to R1 billion, the first report was submitted to Ramaphosa on January 4, 2022, with Part 2 being submitted on June 22, 2022. About 1400 individuals were implicated in the report, rightly or wrongly so. Seven years after the Commission was appointed in 2018, the implementation of its recommendations has not been completed. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading In October 2022, Ramaphosa published his response to the Commission's report, which contained 60 action items. By November 2023, of that number, 29 items or 48% were said to have either been completed or substantially completed. Another 14 items or 23% were said to be on track, with the remaining 17 items or 29% still requiring attention and processing. When the next update report was tabled at the end of March 2025, it made for an interesting read, stating that the completion rate stood at 18%. Items which were said to have been completed but still needed further action stood at 30%. Items that were reported to be on track remained at 23% while those that still required further action stood at 7%. The success or failure of the Zondo Commission is assessed from different vantage points. The report stating that an estimated $605 million or R11 billion has been recovered following the Commission's findings saw some patting themselves on the back and being over the moon for a huge success. But those who look at the overall figure, which is sometimes estimated to be a trillion rand, argue that the figure mentioned above is a drop in the ocean. Why is Zondo suddenly finding his voice? Is he genuine when he raises his concerns, or does he hope to rewrite his history? Is he trying to compete with his predecessor, former Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng, by trying to leave behind a good legacy? Should his public statements be seen as his subtle way to demonstrate the independence of the judiciary, thereby nullifying the perception that it has lost credibility? Put differently, should Zondo's seeming attack on Ramaphosa be perceived as an attempt to redeem his image or that of the collective in the judiciary? These are all pertinent questions. If the argument is that there are things Zondo could not say while he was in office, it would be plausible to advance the argument that it is only now that he can do so. However, even this line of argument cannot be sustained. Zondo retired on August 31, 2024. Surely, he had ample time since then to honestly reflect on his term as the Chairperson of the State Capture Commission and the frustration he endured when he had to swear in Ministers he had made findings against. Surely, Zondo did not make any finding against Ramaphosa on the Phala Phala matter. But from an ethical point of view, did he ever feel uncomfortable having to swear in Ramaphosa as the country's President with the Phala Phala matter hanging over his head? By extension, are Zondo's concerns confined to Cabinet Ministers, or do they extend to ordinary Members of Parliament who also had thick clouds hanging over their heads? Importantly, did Zondo have the same feeling when he had to swear in Ministers and MPs who were only accused during the sitting of his Commission but were never allowed to present their side of the story? If the answer is in the affirmative, I would be extremely worried. His concern would amount to staged authenticity. However, if his answer is in the negative, then his newly found conscience would indeed be genuine. In a nutshell, there is more to Zondo's public statement than meets the eye! * Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu is Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at Nelson Mandela University. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The Citizen
a day ago
- The Citizen
Government announces when Aarto demerit system will start
The national implementation of the Aarto Act has been confirmed with government rolling out regulations in phases Clauses relating to the Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences (Aarto) demerit system will come into effect next year. In a bulk gazette that contained 16 notices and proclamations, national government on Friday declared the commencement dates for certain sections of the Aarto Act and its subsequent amendment. Implementation of the act will be done in phases, beginning in December for some municipalities. The Aarto Act was passed in 1998, with the amendment containing the demerit system signed by President Cyril Ramaphosa in 2019. Friday's gazette stated that the whole of the 1998 Act, with the exception of Section 29(g), will come into effect for 69 municipalities in 1 December. Sections 17 to 20, section 23 and sections 29 to 35 of the 2019 amendment will also come into effect for those 69 municipalities on 1 December. These municipalities include Johannesburg, Tshwane, Ekurhuleni, Mangaung, eThekwini and Cape Town. Five months later, 144 municipalities receive the same stipulations on 1 April 2026. These include the Knysna, Drakenstein, Bela-Bela, Umvoti and 140 other local municipalities. Section 24, which covers the demerit system, as well as sections 25 to 28 will come in effect for all municipalities from 1 September 2026. Constitutional court case The Organisation Undoing Tax Abuse (Outa) challenged the amendments and took the matter all the way to Constitutional Court. The civil society group asserted that the amendments did not adequately deal with road traffic safety and that it hampered municipalities' ability to regulate their own affairs. 'Outa is of the opinion that the Aarto practical challenges are largely due to poor enforcement, a lack of administrative discipline when it comes to traffic infringement management, and a variety of problems in the management of vehicle and driver licencing,' the organisation stated at the time. In July 2023, the court ruled against Outa, with then Chief Justice Raymond Zondo's judgment declaring that the amendments were constitutional. Employee implications Section 17 of the Act deals with the responsibilities of those who employ drivers. 'Aarto will make employers potentially face administrative and financial burdens for their employees' non-compliance where their driving falls within the employees' key duties and responsibilities,' Weber Wentzel advised previously. The Act requires a company to appoint a proxy to represent company vehicles but the firm state that the proxy will not accumulate demerit points on the drivers' behalf. 'However, the proxy must ensure that the demerit points are allocated to the correct driver.' 'Should the proxy not do so, the employer will be liable to pay the fine at three times the value applicable to ordinary license holders,' WeberWentzel stated. NOW READ: Aarto implementation could result in municipal traffic services 'shutting down'
