Visit forts of Maratha Military Landscapes which made it to UNESCO list: PM Modi
The 'Maratha Military Landscapes' include 12 majestic forts, 11 of which are in Maharashtra and one is in Tamil Nadu.
'When we speak of the glorious Maratha Empire, we associate it with good governance, military strength, cultural pride, and emphasis on social welfare. The great rulers inspire us with their refusal to bow to any injustice. I call upon everyone to go visit these forts and learn about the rich history of the Maratha Empire,' Mr. Modi said in a post on X.
At the 47th Session of the World Heritage Committee on Friday (July 11, 2025), India's official nomination for the 2024-25 cycle, 'Maratha Military Landscapes of India', got inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, becoming India's 44th property to receive this recognition.
Spanning from the 17th to 19th centuries CE, this extraordinary network of 12 forts demonstrates the strategic military vision and architectural ingenuity of the Maratha Empire, according to an official statement by the Union Culture Ministry.
Spread across the States of Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, the selected sites include Salher, Shivneri, Lohgad, Khanderi, Raigad, Rajgad, Pratapgad, Suvarnadurg, Panhala, Vijaydurg, and Sindhudurg in Maharashtra, along with Gingee Fort in Tamil Nadu.
The proposal was submitted to the World Heritage Committee for consideration in January 2024. After a rigorous 18-month-long process involving several technical meetings with the advisory bodies and a visit by ICOMOS's mission to review the sites, this decision was taken by the members of the World Heritage Committee at UNESCO Headquarters, Paris.
India also has 62 sites in the Tentative List of the World Heritage, which is a mandatory threshold for any site to be considered as a World Heritage property in the future. Every year, each State party may propose just one site for consideration by the World Heritage Committee for inscription on the World Heritage List.
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Time of India
38 minutes ago
- Time of India
Instant Scholar: Development as freedom - an India perspective by Amartya Sen
When Nobel laureate Amartya Sen published Development as Freedom in 1999, he reshaped the global discourse on economic development. Moving away from the narrow focus on income or GDP, Sen argued that freedom is both the primary objective and the principal means of development. His thesis laid the foundation for what is now termed the capability approach, a framework that sees development as the expansion of people's capabilities—their real freedoms to lead the kind of lives they have reason to value. Nowhere is this framework more relevant than in India, a country grappling with economic disparity, social stratification, and democratic aspirations. Sen's insights, drawn partly from his own experiences growing up in British India and later as an economist engaged with policymaking, offer a moral and philosophical compass for India's journey toward inclusive development. Freedom as the Ends and Means of Development At the heart of Sen's thesis is a simple but radical idea: development is the process of expanding human freedoms. These freedoms are not just political or civil but also include economic opportunities, access to education and healthcare, social inclusion , and protective security. Sen identifies five types of instrumental freedoms: by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Dementia Has Been Linked To a Common Habit. Do You Do It? Memory Health Learn More Undo Political freedoms – Free speech, democratic participation, and accountability. Economic facilities – Access to resources, employment, and production. Social opportunities – Education, healthcare, gender equality. Transparency guarantees – Institutional openness, trust in governance. Protective security – Social safety nets for the vulnerable. These components are interconnected; for instance, education enhances economic opportunity, which in turn strengthens political participation. In India, where disparities are vast, ensuring access to these freedoms remains a central development challenge. India's Economic Growth: Unequal and Unjust? India has experienced substantial GDP growth over the past few decades, particularly after the liberalisation reforms of 1991. However, Sen cautions that growth without human development is incomplete. In his words, 'there is no automatic connection between economic growth and human freedom.' India's progress is often undermined by stark contrasts. On one hand, it is the world's fifth-largest economy; on the other, it continues to grapple with malnutrition, illiteracy, poor health outcomes, and widening inequality. The National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) reports show that over one-third of Indian children are stunted, and anemia affects more than half of women aged 15–49. Sen critiques India's overreliance on trickle-down economics, arguing that public investment in health and education has been insufficient. 'India has managed to achieve economic growth with a disgraceful neglect of the social sector,' he once noted. This mismatch is precisely what the Development as Freedom approach seeks to correct. Public Policy through the Capability Lens Sen's framework reframes the role of the state. Rather than acting merely as an enabler of market growth, the state should actively expand citizens' capabilities—what they can do and be. This implies a rights-based approach to policy design: education, healthcare, food, and employment are not handouts but entitlements. Some Indian policy innovations reflect this shift: The Right to Education Act (RTE) gave legal teeth to the notion of education as a fundamental right. The National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) empowered the rural poor with wage-based employment and social dignity. The Public Distribution System (PDS) and the National Food Security Act aimed to ensure food as a right, not a charity. While these policies have had implementation challenges, they represent a shift toward institutionalising freedom and capability—a central theme in Sen's work. Democracy and Public Reason in Indian Context Sen places high value on democracy not just as a form of government but as a form of public reasoning. He argues that political freedoms and open debate enable societies to prioritise people's real needs. This has direct implications for India, the world's largest democracy, where the freedom to dissent and discuss shapes the developmental agenda. A well-known illustration is his argument that famines do not occur in functioning democracies. Drawing from India's experience, Sen showed that democratic institutions—free press, electoral competition, civil society—act as checks against catastrophic failures. The Bengal famine of 1943, which occurred under British colonial rule, contrasts with India's post-independence record, where mass starvation has been largely absent despite recurring droughts. Yet, Sen warns that democracy in form is not enough. In recent years, concerns over democratic backsliding in India—curbs on press freedom, judicial independence, and civil liberties—threaten the very instruments that ensure equitable development. For Sen, democracy must remain inclusive, participatory, and deliberative, not just majoritarian. Gender Justice and Social Inclusion Another area where Development as Freedom intersects sharply with Indian realities is gender justice. Sen famously coined the phrase 'missing women' to describe the millions of girls and women whose lives are cut short due to gender-based discrimination—through sex-selective abortion, inadequate healthcare, and systemic neglect. In India, despite progress in female literacy and labour participation, deeply embedded patriarchal norms still restrict women's freedoms. The capability approach demands not only formal equality but substantive freedom—real choices and empowerment. This is seen in movements pushing for women's reservation in legislatures, greater access to healthcare, and stronger protections against gender-based violence. Sen's framework also encourages reflection on caste, tribal identity, and religion—factors that shape social exclusion in India. He calls for policies that enhance the capabilities of marginalised communities, not merely by offering quotas or subsidies but by improving foundational systems like education, nutrition, and justice delivery. COVID-19 and the Fragility of Freedoms The COVID-19 pandemic laid bare the vulnerabilities in India's developmental model. Millions of migrant workers were stranded during lockdowns, lacking basic food, shelter, or transport. The healthcare system was overwhelmed, and education access declined sharply due to the digital divide. Sen, along with fellow economist Jean Drèze, wrote during the pandemic that India needed to prioritise universal access to healthcare, employment support, and education continuity, not just economic stimulus. The crisis reaffirmed the urgency of investing in human capabilities to build a more resilient and equitable society. The Global Impact and Continued Relevance Beyond India, Development as Freedom has influenced UNDP's Human Development Index, World Bank policy papers, and numerous national development strategies. In India, its relevance has only deepened. As the country eyes a future of technological prowess and global influence, Sen reminds us that true development is not about what a country produces, but about what its people are free to become. From climate resilience to AI ethics, from rural health to urban inequality—India's policy questions today demand a framework that is moral, inclusive, and human-centred. Sen provides that foundation. Towards a Freedom-Centred Future Amartya Sen's Development as Freedom challenges India to rethink its development model—not as a race for GDP growth but as a commitment to human dignity, equality, and justice. In a country of 1.4 billion people with immense diversity and disparity, the real challenge is not just how to grow, but how to grow with freedom. India's development story will be richer and more just when it is rooted in the expansion of freedoms—for women and men, for rich and poor, for urban and rural, for all castes and communities. Sen's vision is not just an economic theory; it is a call to action for democratic India to fulfil the promises it made in its Constitution—liberty, equality, and fraternity—for every citizen. Read full text: 'Instant Scholar' is a Times of India initiative to make academic research accessible to a wider audience. If you are a Ph.D. scholar and would like to publish a summary of your research in this section, please share a summary and authorisation to publish it. For submission, and any question on this initiative, write to us at instantscholar@ Ready to navigate global policies? Secure your overseas future. Get expert guidance now!
India Today
an hour ago
- India Today
Is China's rare-earth weaponisation giving India a rare chance?
Rare earth minerals, or rare earth metals, are a group of 17 elements essential to modern technology. From the manufacturing of electric vehicles (EVs) and wind turbines to smartphones and missile guidance systems like Akash and Astra, these metals are indispensable. They are found in concentrated deposits across the world, making global supply chains vulnerable to disruption and geopolitical tensions. Meanwhile, China, which holds the world's largest reserves (44 million tonnes) and controls over 90% of global processing capacity, has restricted exports of seven rare earths in response to US tariffs. This move has sent shockwaves globally, including in India's EV manufacturing sector, which depends on China for nearly 90% of its rare earth weaponising of rare earths has left the global community concerned. Without naming Beijing, Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently at the Brics summit in Brazil said the global community must ensure that no country uses these resources as a "weapon" against stranglehold on rare earths is certainly a challenge and a source of strategic discomfort for India, but it is also an opportunity. With the third-largest rare earth reserves in the world, estimated at 6.9 million tonnes, India has the potential to reduce its dependency on Chinese imports. However, to truly leverage it, India must ramp up domestic extraction, build refining capacity, and invest in the entire value chain, from mining to magnet-making, which remains underdeveloped, say suggest that while India's potential is significant, technological and regulatory hurdles must be overcome to capitalise on this TIGHTENS RARE EARTH EXPORTS, TRIGGERING GLOBAL SUPPLY SHOCKChina's export restrictions, announced on April 4, require exporters to obtain licences and provide end-use declarations. This has slowed down shipments and raised the costs of exports. This gagging of supply has, in turn, shot up demands and seven rare earth elements restricted by China are designated as critical minerals by India's Union Ministry of China is investing heavily and partnering with armed rebels in war-torn northern Myanmar, which supplies about 57% of Beijing's rare earth imports, to acquire and develop new deposits, while simultaneously building processing plants and export infrastructure to keep the entire supply chain under its control, according to a report in The New York a result of a dip in the supply of rare earths, carmakers in India, including Maruti Suzuki and JSW MG Motor India, are facing delays in raw materials, with no approvals from China's Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) despite applications, reported news agency restrictions have sparked fears of production halts in India's EV and electronics sectors, which imported 540 tonnes of magnets from China last financial year. Top 5 rare-earth producers in 2024: China leads global output. Geopolitically, the move is seen as China weaponising its dominance amid US-China trade tensions, with India caught in the the 17th Brics Summit, PM Modi urged member nations to ensure critical mineral supply chains remain secure and reliable, warning against their use as geopolitical weapons, a statement interpreted as a critique of China's export restrictions on rare earth came from the PM while he was on a multi-nation trip which included Brazil, which has the largest known rare earth reserves in the Thorium-rich Latin America. Thorium is not a rare earth, but is listed as a critical mineral in RARE EARTH DOMINANCE AND ITS STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS FOR INDIAChina's control over 70% of rare earth production and 90% of processing gives it unparalleled April restrictions, targeting critical elements used in high-performance magnets, have halted supplies to Indian firms while selectively resuming exports to the US and 2010 export ban to Japan shows its willingness to use rare earths as a trade disrupts global manufacturing, especially EVs, where neodymium magnets are vital for motors. It also hampers India's defence carmakers, as a result of the dip in rare earth supplies, face a 40-45-day procurement process. It is threatening production timelines and New Delhi's clean energy goals, noted a report in the Frontline is that all bad news? Not quite. A worker at the site of a rare earth metals mine in China's Jiangxi province. (Reuters Image) IS INDIA ACTING ON CRITICAL RARE EARTH MINERALS? is the third-largest holder of rare earth reserves in the world. It has an estimated 6.9 million tonnes of deposits, prime monazite in the coastal sands of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and West Bengal. This offers significant potential.A 2023 Department of Atomic Energy press release said India, then was "reported to have the fifth-largest rare earth resources in the world".Rare earths are not necessarily rare, but unlike common metals like iron or aluminium, they are difficult to extract and process due to their dispersion and association with radioactive National Critical Mineral Mission, announced in July, aims to boost domestic mining and processing of India's critical mineral sector. Under this mission, the Geological Survey of India (GSI) has been tasked with conducting 1,200 exploration projects from 2024-25 to Ministry of Heavy Industries has proposed a Rs 1,345-crore scheme to incentivise rare earth magnet production, with companies like Mahindra & Mahindra, Uno Minda, and Sona BLW Precision Forgings showing interest, reported The Financial state-run miner, Indian Rare Earths Limited (IREL), is working on reducing exports to prioritise domestic supply and exploring resources in Oman and Vietnam. India is also partnering with Australia, which has substantial rare earth deposits, to secure supplies and technology. (Left to Right) A rare earth open-pit mine in California, US. Samples of rare earth minerals, from left, Cerium oxide, Bastnasite, Neodymium oxide and Lanthanum carbonate at California's Mountain Pass Rare Earth facility. (Reuters Images) The Atomic Energy Act, 1962, restricts private mining due to monazite's thorium content, but reforms are under discussion to allow private India's rare earth deposits are low in concentration, making them harder to extract economically. They are also often mixed with radioactive elements like thorium, which adds safety risks and raises extraction a positive step that India has launched the National Critical Mineral Mission to secure its supply stayed away from rare earths due to environmental concerns. So, can it now move fast enough to leverage this opportunity and emerge as a key player in the global rare earth sector? What more is needed?As of now, India holds the third-largest rare earth reserves globally, with 6.9 million metric tons of rare earth oxides, primarily in monazite-rich coastal sands of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and West Bengal. However, its production is minimal, contributing less than 1% of global output (approximately 2,900 metric tons in 2023-24), ranking it around 8th or 9th, far behind big players like China and the Gupta, Executive Group Vice President at Motilal Oswal Private Wealth, told business channel, ET Now, that the recent geopolitical crisis has positioned India as a key player."Rare earth is coming as that kind of opportunity... the reserves are almost 250 times higher than what is being mined now," Gupta said. Mapping India's rare earth potential. Indian states that will power tomorrow's technologies. INDIA'S RARE EARTH PROMISE NEEDS A PUSHExperts are cautiously optimistic about India's potential to leverage its rare earth reserves to become a significant player in the global supply chain, but highlight Kulkarni, a partner at EY-Parthenon, Ernst & Young's strategy consulting arm, according to a CNBC report, pointed out that India had critical gaps, such as limited refining technologies, insufficient technical expertise, and inadequate mining infrastructure of rare earth India's rare-earth strategy needs recalibration to counter China's curbs, said an editorial headline in The Indian Express newspaper in transfer and private sector involvement are critical. Meanwhile, India is also engaging with friendly foreign nations like Australia and Oman to scale up imports and build the third-largest reserves, India, despite its own limitations and a delayed start, has a rare chance to reduce reliance on China. But this opportunity will be real only if New Delhi builds a robust supply chain, ensures sustained investment, and undertakes key policy reforms to turn the crisis into a strategic advantage. India can turn China's rare earth stranglehold into a rare opportunity. But it will have to show a rare resolve.- EndsMust Watch
News18
an hour ago
- News18
How India's Kinetic Action On Myanmar Terror Groups Struck At China's Shadow Theatre
Insurgent groups, armed by Chinese grey market arms networks, have long acted as proxies for Beijing in Myanmar—guarding critical infrastructure linked to Belt & Road Initiative The drone strikes reportedly carried out by the Indian Army on insurgent camps in Myanmar mark a direct challenge to China's 'deniability model", where Beijing has relied on non-state actors—such as insurgent groups and private security contractors—to exert influence in neighboring countries while maintaining plausible deniability, CNN-News18 has learnt. Top intelligence sources told CNN-News18 that India's decisive action has not only exposed this model but also 'strategically undermined China's reach into key areas, particularly Myanmar's border regions and parts of India's north-eastern states like Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh". India's strikes focused on the Naga Self-Administered Zone, hitting locations such as ULFA(I)'s Eastern Command headquarters at Hoyat Basti and 779 Camp in Waktham Basti. Additionally, camps of the NSCN-K, PLA, and RPF were also struck by Indian drones. The ULFA(I), in a press statement, said Nayan Asom alias Nayan Medhi, who was the 'chairman' of its 'lower council', was killed in the attacks. It said two other senior leaders, 'brigadier' Ganesh Asom and 'colonel' Pradip Asom, were killed in the second round of attacks during Nayan Asom's funeral. At least 19 others were injured, it added. However, when contacted, a defence spokesperson said there 'are no inputs of such an operation". The timing and execution of these strikes are no accident. India's operation goes far beyond targeting insurgent groups. By dismantling the leadership of ULFA-I and NSCN-K in Myanmar's Sagaing region, India has effectively neutralised a key component of China's regional security apparatus. Intel sources said these insurgent groups, armed by Chinese grey market arms networks operating in Yunnan, have long acted as proxies for Beijing in Myanmar—guarding critical infrastructure linked to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The Kyaukpyu–Mandalay corridor, a vital stretch of infrastructure that connects China to the Indian Ocean, has been one of the primary areas where China has used these insurgent groups to ensure the safety of its energy and logistics supply chains. With Myanmar's Sagaing region now facing increased instability, China's ambitions to bypass the Malacca Strait and secure its energy routes through Myanmar are at risk. By targeting these camps, India has struck a blow deep within China's informal security buffer in the region. The damage is not just to insurgent forces but to a wider strategic framework designed to safeguard Beijing's investments in Myanmar, including nickel mining zones, future rail projects, and other BRI-linked ventures. Myanmar's Junta Under Pressure For Myanmar's military junta, which has been struggling to maintain control over large parts of the country, particularly in Sagaing, Chin, and Magway regions, the timing of India's airstrikes could be a mixed blessing. The junta, already facing fierce resistance from the People's Defence Forces (PDF), has been losing ground to the ethnic militias. Additionally, Myanmar's increasing dissatisfaction with Chinese interference has brought the country closer to New Delhi in recent months, the sources added. While the junta may not have officially aligned itself with India, the attacks on ULFA-I and NSCN-K may shift Myanmar's stance. The junta has shown signs of frustration with Chinese influence in its internal affairs, and this new pressure from India could push Myanmar to recalibrate its relationship with Beijing. Sources confirmed that ULFA-I and NSCN-K have been integral to China's shadow operations in Myanmar. These insurgent groups have not only been armed by China but have also provided covert security and logistical support to BRI projects in the region. In essence, these groups have acted as private militias, securing vital infrastructure for Chinese interests while indirectly working for Chinese private security contractors (PSCs). India's precision strikes have severely disrupted these networks, and now, as the conflict escalates in the region, China may be forced to reassess its security arrangements. The destabilisation of BRI supply lines in Sagaing is particularly significant, as it raises the costs for Chinese private security firms. This comes at a time when China has enjoyed relatively low-cost security advantages in Myanmar, allowing it to expand its footprint without heavy investment. The ongoing ethnic clashes, triggered by the actions of Myanmar's military junta and the increasing reach of India's strikes, threaten to further disrupt this crucial security apparatus. With these new developments, China faces mounting challenges in maintaining a secure environment for its BRI projects in Myanmar, and the cost of ensuring stability in the region could soon prove untenable. Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
