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Solar park will 'completely swamp' nine villages

Solar park will 'completely swamp' nine villages

Yahoo29-01-2025
People living in some of Britain's most picturesque villages have been divided by plans for a one of the biggest solar parks in the country.
Developers want to build solar panels on 2,000 acres of farmland near Malmesbury in the Cotswolds, producing enough energy for 115,000 homes.
Rosie Clark is one of hundreds of local campaigners who believes it will "decimate the local area".
But supporters of the scheme, including the former mayor of Malmesbury Lesley Bennett, accused opponents of being "well-connected people" whose leaflets are "full of mistakes".
The government wants to quadruple the amount of solar power generated in the UK. But wherever developers propose new solar farms, opposition springs up.
Rosie Clark lives in a stone cottage surrounded by Cotswold fields and hedgerows in Wiltshire.
She is worried there could be more than "a million panels which will be as high as a double-decker bus".
The developers have not confirmed exact numbers, but have said it would be 'no more than 700,000 panels'.
"It will completely swamp nine local villages," Ms Clark said.
"We are in an area of outstanding national beauty. It will decimate the local area, which relies a lot on tourism."
Meanwhile, Lesley Bennett is one of a few people who will speak up for the solar scheme.
"It's nimbyism, it's perfect nimbyism," she said.
"We need clean energy. We need to be energy independent."
The campaign to Stop Lime Down is well organised. Hundreds of people have been signed up, leaflets printed, there are signs everywhere in these north Wiltshire villages.
But Mrs Bennett thinks there are many silent solar supporters, who dare not speak up.
"It's a few well-connected rich people who've created a brilliant campaign," she says.
"But it's an illusion. This leaflet is full of mistakes."
Campaigners are well aware the odds are against them.
Energy Secretary Ed Miliband has already approved several big solar schemes, just as big as Lime Down.
Mr Miliband wants to quadruple the UK's solar power generation capacity, which he says will "make the UK a clean energy superpower".
Ms Clark said she is "all for wind and solar energy", just not on farmland.
"We should not be using agricultural land and destroying our future food security for solar panels," she said.
Mrs Bennett highlighted that only half of the 2,000 acres (878 hectares) proposed for development would have solar panels or related buildings on.
The developers, Island Green Power, have allocated 47% of the land for environmental purposes.
Mrs Bennett said that solar fields have always worked alongside nature.
She said: "You can have sheep on there, you can have wildlife on there, they put in beehives and ponds and all sorts."
The company's first public consultation ran into serious opposition. Their own report found that 88% of local people were opposed to their plans.
Now the developers, Island Green Power, said they have listened and learned.
Will Threllfall, senior project development manager, said he was 'really grateful' to everyone who responded.
The new proposals they are now consulting on include changes, he said, which will make the solar panels less visible and less intrusive.
But they remain committed to the basic plan, with 878 hectares ( 2170 acres) in the scheme, of which 53% is either solar panels or related infrastructure.
Mr Threlfall said: "Projects like Lime Down Solar are vital to enabling the transition from fossil fuel to low carbon energy, and we're committed to delivering a scheme that makes a meaningful contribution to both local and national energy needs."
The formal public consultation will run until 19 March 2025. After that, the company will submit a planning application which will in the end be decided by the Secretary of State. The scheme is considered too big to be judged by a local council alone.
Major solar project given go-ahead by government
Food or solar? Farmers divided over land use
Report suggests 88% against solar park plans
Major solar project given go-ahead by government
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When Democrats get in trouble, they've often turned to southern saviors. Will they again?
When Democrats get in trouble, they've often turned to southern saviors. Will they again?

Boston Globe

time7 hours ago

  • Boston Globe

When Democrats get in trouble, they've often turned to southern saviors. Will they again?

Write to us at . To subscribe, . TODAY'S STARTING POINT When Matt Bennett joined Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign, he and his party had gotten used to defeat. Democrats had lost five of the previous six presidential elections. One was in 1988, when Bennett, then a 23-year-old staffer, helped stage Massachusetts governor Michael Dukakis' But Bennett saw something different in the youthful, exciting Clinton. 'Mike Dukakis is a good, earnest, smart, great guy, but there was no excitement,' said Bennett. 'It was like going from a Volkswagen to a Porsche.' Clinton was also a moderate; Bennett, who later co-founded One other difference: Clinton was a southerner. More than three decades after the Arkansas governor first won the White House, Bennett is among those who think Democrats must once again look southward as the party seeks to rebuild in the second Trump era. Advertisement Indeed, southern candidates are lining up for key midterm races; others are testing the waters as potential 2028 presidential contenders. Southern salvation? Clinton's 1992 victory was part of a pattern. During the second half of the 20th century, when Democrats found themselves out of power and in dire electoral straits, they repeatedly turned to southerners for rescue. 'It was a marker of ideological moderation,' Bennett said. Advertisement It happened in 1960, when John F. Kennedy In Kennedy, Johnson, Carter, and Clinton's day, Democrats regularly won large swathes of the South. Today, the region is more like a patchwork, much of it shifting away from Democrats. But if the party hopes to take full control of Washington again, they have to find ways to win more of it. 'There's no path back to the Senate majority without the South,' Bennett said. 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A green-card holder has been detained at SFO for a week. Now he could be deported
A green-card holder has been detained at SFO for a week. Now he could be deported

San Francisco Chronicle​

time6 days ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

A green-card holder has been detained at SFO for a week. Now he could be deported

Federal authorities have detained a permanent U.S. resident from South Korea at San Francisco International Airport for at least a week, a case that his attorneys say reflects a disturbing trend. Tae Heung 'Will' Kim, who has lived in the U.S. since the age of 5 and is currently a doctorate student at Texas A&M University researching a vaccine for Lyme disease, was detained July 21 at a security checkpoint after arriving at the airport from South Korea, said Chris Godshall-Bennett, one of Kim's attorneys. Kim has a misdemeanor marijuana possession charge from more than a decade ago, the attorney said. It was unclear Tuesday morning whether Kim was still being held at the airport or had been transferred to a detention center, his attorney said. A spokesperson for U.S. Customs and Border Protection said in a statement Tuesday that Kim 'is in ICE custody pending removal proceedings.' Godshall-Bennett said immigration officials had not told Kim's attorneys why they detained the 40-year-old man, and had not allowed them contact with him. The CBP spokesperson said if a green-card holder is convicted of a drug offense, they are issued a notice to appear and the agency then works with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement on detention. Immigration officials appear to be ramping up detainments at airports nationwide, raising concerns, Godshall-Bennett said. In May, an Irish woman who had lived in the U.S. legally for decades was detained at SFO due to a criminal record from 20 years prior. She was transferred to an ICE facility in Washington but released 17 days later amid public outcry. 'More recently we've been seeing the phenomenon of people being detained by Customs and Border Protection at airports for a significant amount of time,' Godshall-Bennett said, adding that these facilities are not equipped to handle long-term detentions and people don't have access to basic hygiene. 'You can't change your underwear. This is not an acceptable situation to put human beings in,' Godshall-Bennett said. While Kim's attorneys have been unable to speak with him, Kim's younger brother, whose wedding he attended in South Korea, has been able to talk to him briefly, Godshall-Bennett said. Eric Lee, another of Kim's attorneys, posted on X that Kim has been held in an airport detention with 'no daylight, sleeping in chair, no access to lawyer. Another brutal attack on immigrants & science. Free Will!' The case was first reported by the Washington Post. Kim's detention comes as the Trump administration ramps up efforts to boost deportation numbers, promising to arrest 3,000 people per day. Advocates say the effort has been expansive and goes beyond Trump's promise to deport 'the worst of the worst,' tearing families apart and leaving state officials scrambling for answers. In the Bay Area, most ICE arrests have occurred when people show up to immigration court or a regular ICE check-in, leaving many immigrants in fear that they will be detained when going through their proceedings. In some cases, government attorneys have sought to dismiss cases only to have ICE detain people if the judge grants the dismissal, according to immigration attorneys. Recent ICE data shows that arrests in Northern California have increased roughly 70% this year, compared with the final six months of the Biden administration. While arrests of convicted criminals grew, arrests of people suspected only of immigration-related violations, or who had pending charges, went up much faster. At least 30 people have been arrested in the Bay Area so far, according to advocates. 'They found an excuse to remove somebody who is not a citizen, and they are taking every opportunity to remove as many people as they can regardless of their connection, regardless of the amount of time they've been here and regardless of the work they do,' Godshall-Bennett said. 'God forbid we all start getting in trouble for minor marijuana possession,' he added. In 2011, Kim was arrested for a minor marijuana possession in Texas for which he served community service, Godshall-Bennett said, adding that he believes Kim can get a waiver so the conviction isn't used against him. Typically, people with past marijuana convictions can receive a waiver if the amount they had in their possession was less than 30 grams. Marijuana possession is charged as a misdemeanor if the amount is less than 28.5 grams. Convictions for possession of marijuana, which has been decriminalized in some states, can result in deportation, said Catherine Seitz, legal director of the Immigration Institute of the Bay Area. Seitz said what makes Kim's situation surprising is that immigration authorities had held him for a long period of time. Typically, authorities will give people an appointment and tell them to return for another inspection before placing them in removal proceedings. 'They are definitely being stricter,' Seitz said. 'They're using detention a lot more in this administration.'

Why Likud booting Edelstein will come back to bite it?
Why Likud booting Edelstein will come back to bite it?

Yahoo

time23-07-2025

  • Yahoo

Why Likud booting Edelstein will come back to bite it?

While Edelstein has given no indication of his next political move and has remained loyal to the Likud, it is not inconceivable that he seeks a new political home. Regardless of where one stands on Israel's political map – Right, Left, or Center – recent polling gives little room for optimism that a clear mandate to govern will emerge from the next elections, which will be held somewhere between late January and late October 2026. The reason for this pessimism is that the polling numbers indicate that the parties currently comprising the coalition are projected to win between 49 and 53 seats, while the Jewish opposition parties are polling between 57 and 61 seats. In other words, both sides are expected to struggle to form a stable coalition. While in 2022, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid were willing to form a government with an Arab party, Mansour Abbas's Ra'am, the likelihood of that dynamic repeating itself with the country on a war footing, or just beyond it, which may be the case when the elections are held, is slim. This means that the country is staring down the barrel of the same kind of political stalemate and gridlock that plagued it between 2019 and 2022, when it underwent five elections in just three and a half years. That picture does not fundamentally change even when factoring in the possible emergence of a new party led by Gadi Eisenkot, or even if he joins Yesh Atid as its head or merges with Bennett's new party. The Eisenkot effect, for the most part, has been to rearrange the furniture within the opposition bloc. It has not shifted votes from the coalition bloc to the opposition. He is not moving a table and chair from one room to another; he is simply moving them around in the same room. The key to breaking this stalemate is moving votes across the blocs, for example, persuading moderate right-wing voters currently voting for the Likud to cast their ballots for Benny Gantz's, Lapid's, or Bennett's parties. The polls, however, are not showing this dynamic taking hold. The option to form a new government may lie with a new party And that means the vehicle to move votes from one bloc to the other might be a new party with a different message. If the Likud goes ahead on Wednesday and ousts Yuli Edelstein from his position as head of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, punishing him for refusing to back a law that fails to mandate meaningful haredi (ultra-Orthodox) conscription within a reasonable time frame, then it might – with its own hands – be creating that very vehicle. Edelstein has issued no threats to leave the Likud for another party or to start a new one. Still, that possibility cannot be dismissed, especially if he is ousted from his post and performs poorly in the Likud primaries to be held before the next elections. And a poor showing in the next Likud primaries is not far-fetched, given that some within his party are accusing him of trying to bring down the right-wing government over the haredi draft issue. Edelstein joined the Likud in 2003 after the party he founded with Natan Sharansky – Yisrael B'Aliyah – merged with the Likud. He vied for a position on the Likud's list in 2006 and won the 14th slot. As the party only won 12 seats, he first entered the Knesset as a Likud MK replacement in 2007. His standing in the party grew steadily. In the 2009 primaries, he placed 12th, dropped to 18th in 2013 when the Likud ran together with Yisrael Beytenu, and then rose to third place in 2015. His peak came in the April 2019 primaries, when he captured the second slot on the party list, just behind Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. That represented the height of his influence and reflected his popularity within the party. At the time, he was serving as Knesset speaker. His fortunes began to decline, however, when – amid Netanyahu's repeated failures to form a coalition after successive elections – he flirted with the idea of challenging him for the party leadership, an idea he eventually abandoned. But the damage was done, and in the 2022 primaries, he dropped to 18th place. When Netanyahu selected his cabinet after winning the Knesset elections that year, Edelstein was conspicuously left out, only to be appointed chairman of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee as almost a consolation prize. While Edelstein has given no indication of his next political move and has remained loyal to the Likud, it is not inconceivable that, if he is ousted, he could seek a new political home or build a new one. Doing so on the back of the haredi conscription issue may prove to be a winning strategy. Caving to haredi demands on conscription is not only unpopular among the general Jewish public but also among Likud voters. It is a hot-button issue, one that could drive a segment of Likud voters to follow Edelstein to a party that reflects their positions and values, first and foremost, support for mandatory military service for haredim. Polls suggest that the Likud has a solid base of about 18 seats that will remain loyal to Netanyahu no matter what. That figure is drawn from post-October 7 massacre polling. On October 6, 2023, a Maariv poll projected 28 seats for the Likud, reflective of what most of the polls were giving the party at the time as the judicial reform debate raged. The Likud won 32 seats in the 2022 election. In 10 polls conducted over the next two months immediately following October 7 – as the country seethed with fury at how such a catastrophe could have happened – the party averaged 18 seats, which can be considered its bedrock support. Currently, the Likud is polling around 27 seats, meaning that nine of those mandates are floating, i.e., voters currently within the Likud camp could jump ship over one issue or another. Considering the passion that the haredi conscription issue is triggering, this could be one of those issues. Edelstein, if he chose to form a party or join another, could offer those voters a new political home. In doing so, he could become that elusive vehicle that moves voters from one bloc to the other. Speculative as it may be, this scenario raises questions that the Likud might want to consider before removing Edelstein from his position, particularly the political ripple effects of sidelining someone over an issue that resonates deeply with much of the country, including a significant segment of its own voters. Solve the daily Crossword

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