
Britain is showing feckless France how to stop the boats
What sets this example, and the convictions, apart from the norm is where the gang were smuggling the people to and from: from Britain, to France.
The migrants were north African and were said to prefer France, as it was more familiar to them. I offer my apologies on behalf of the British people if we weren't making them feel sufficiently at home here, after their arrival on tourist visas which they then overstayed.
Last year, 93 migrants were arrested for crossing illegally from the UK to France. So it's certainly unusual. Indeed, the spokesman for the National Crime Agency (NCA), which investigated the gang, has a good line in drollery, describing the case as 'an anomaly' and a departure from the usual model of smuggling migrants from Calais into the UK. You don't say.
But here's the thing about the case. It was indeed an example of excellent work by the NCA. It's far from unusual in that respect. The NCA intercepted the migrants before they were able to cross the border and arrested those responsible. Imagine, however, if it had been the other way round. Imagine if it had been a gang smuggling people from France to Britain.
That is, of course, an idiotic sentence to write because no one has to imagine it. It happens almost every day, and in increasingly record numbers. And what do the French police do? More often than not, they stand and watch, refusing to intervene when they see boats packed with migrants.
Earlier this month some gendarmes waded into the shallow water off a beach near Boulogne and slashed an inflatable small boat with knives. But they have been at pains to point out this was a one-off, rather than an obvious new tactic, adopted solely because the boat – packed with people – was wallowing dangerously in the waves.
The contrast seems stark. Two years ago we agreed to pay the French £480m for additional border patrols and surveillance equipment. Much good it has done. Almost 20,000 people arrived in the UK in the first half of this year in small boats – up 48 per cent on the first six months of 2024. Last week Keir Starmer and Emanuel Macron trumpeted their new 'one in, one out' agreement – but it first has to be approved by the EU, then by the French courts, and even then may have negligible impact. When it comes to people smuggling, it seems only one side of the Channel actually gives a damn.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Telegraph
11 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Inflation risks are taking Britain towards the debt-crisis cliff edge
The UK's consumer price index was 3.6pc higher in June than the same month last year – significantly above the Bank of England's 2pc inflation target. The broader retail price index rose even more, by 4.4pc. Unemployment is also up, hitting 4.7pc during the three months to May, a four-year high. And last week's double dose of downbeat data came against a backdrop of broader economic weakness, with GDP having shrunk in both April and May. It's now screamingly obvious that Labour's crude Keynesianism – 'pump priming' the economy by upping state borrowing and spending – isn't working. Worse than that, this Government's actions are pushing Britain towards a budgetary crisis every bit as serious as that in 1976, when the UK was forced to go 'cap in hand' to the International Monetary Fund for a bail-out. Chancellor Rachel Reeves's higher tax rates have been hammering economic activity, causing tax revenues to fall. Yet Labour's leadership, driven by ideological fervour and fearing the party's increasingly strident far left, keeps pushing spending up regardless. The sharp rise in the rate of employer National Insurance contributions (NIC) has caused hiring to plunge since it was announced in last October's Budget, undermining NIC revenues overall. Labour's higher capital gains tax (CGT) rates mean investors aren't selling assets, causing CGT revenues to plunge. A far more punitive non-domicile tax regime and much higher inheritance tax on businesses has sparked an exodus of wealthy individuals, with countless UK entrepreneurs moving abroad. The top 1pc of earners generate 30pc of all income tax receipts, with the top 5pc paying almost half. But when you push the seriously rich overseas with a student-politics tax regime, they often stop investing and close their UK-based businesses. So the revenue loss goes way beyond income tax, spreading across the gamut of employment and corporate taxes too. As a former asset manager, I talk to many senior people at the global pension funds, insurance companies and other institutional investors that lend governments serious money. They ask me about UK politics and public policy and I ask them what they are doing and why. So when I say financiers are not only deeply unimpressed but seriously alarmed at this Government's actions, that's directly from the horse's mouth. Anyone remotely financially literate can see investors are demanding ever higher returns to bankroll this increasingly spendthrift Government. The interest rates our Government pays to borrow are now at their highest level since the late 1990s, but on a far greater volume of debt. The UK's benchmark 30-year gilt yield last week breached 5.5pc – and has been way above 5pc for the whole of this year. Borrowing costs, then, are consistently much higher than the 4.85pc peak they momentarily touched during Liz Truss's 'mini-budget' crisis in October 2022. Yet the broadcast media's reaction, hysterical back then, is now ridiculously complacent. Draw your own conclusions as to why. Last August, just after Labour took office, the 30-year yield was below 4.5pc. Since then, increasingly sceptical investors have pushed it a full percentage point higher. During this same period, the Bank of England has cut its benchmark borrowing cost from 5.25pc to 4.25pc, a percentage point in the opposite direction. 'Market rates' and 'policy rates' moving against each other are a clear sign of brewing systemic danger. The warning signals are flashing red, yet almost no one in a political and media class addicted to government spending wants to acknowledge what's going on. In April 2024, the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) forecast the Government would borrow £87bn over the subsequent 12 months. When that financial year ended in April 2025, the figure was £148bn, an astonishing 70pc more. Endless discussions about whether 'fiscal headroom' in 2029/30 is £5bn or £10bn is utter displacement activity. We can't even get within £60bn of our borrowing estimate within the current financial year. The reality in front of us is that Britain borrowed £148bn last year and £110bn or three quarters of that increase in our national debt went on interest payments on debt previously incurred. Our public finances resemble a Ponzi scheme. Reeves and Keir Starmer cite crowd-pleasing nonsense about 'school breakfast clubs' and 'world-class public services'. As if it's fine to drive the UK into bankruptcy, provoking a full-on bail-out and all the resulting financial and economic chaos because the money is being spent under virtue-signalling headings. 'Borrowing costs are going up around the world', bleat fresh-faced government spin doctors. Yes, but UK gilt yields and total debt service payments are now easily the highest in the G7. Plus, much of the private money invested in UK gilts is 'levered' – or also borrowed. And when the backers of the Government's backers get worried, as they now are, they will eventually 'margin call' creditors, igniting a sudden and self-reinforcing sell-off that sends yields and economy-wide borrowing costs into orbit. On top of all that, Britain is a stark outlier when it comes to the share of 'index-linked' state debt – with regular interest payments rising in line with RPI inflation. Around 30pc of UK gilts are 'linkers', compared to just 12pc in Italy (the G7's next highest) and 5pc in Germany and the US – reflecting long-standing market concerns about vast UK government off-balance-sheet liabilities, not least the trillion-pound-plus bill for still insanely generous pensions for state employees. Britain's sky-high share of index-linked state debt, a long-standing ruse to keep headline yields as low as possible, is coming home to roost. As inflation rises, debt service costs ratchet upward, resulting in ever more borrowing to pay those costs as our tax-strapped economy struggles. That's why, when last week's higher-than-expected inflation number emerged, yields rose sharply. The UK is close to the debt-crisis cliff-edge – and ministers can't say they weren't warned.


The Guardian
11 minutes ago
- The Guardian
EU commissioner shocked by dangers of some goods sold by Shein and Temu
The EU justice commissioner has expressed shock at the toxicity and dangers of some goods being sold by Shein and Temu, amid a crackdown on the popular Chinese retail platforms. With 12m low-value parcels each day coming into the EU from online retailers outside the bloc, Michael McGrath has vowed to crack down on the sale of goods that blatantly break the law. He is waiting for the imminent results of an EU-wide secret shopper operation to further test evidence already gathered that Chinese retailers are bypassing EU laws. Among the worst examples McGrath came across were baby soothers with beads that fall off easily, which pose a choking hazard because they did not have the regulation size hole to enable a baby who did swallow one accidentally to continue to get air. Among other goods cited by MEPs in a report released this month include children's raincoats with toxic chemicals, sunglasses with no UV filter and kids shorts with draw strings longer than regulation length that cause a trip hazard. They also found cosmetics containing butylphenyl methylpropional, also known as Lillal, which is listed as a chemical of 'very high concern' by the EU and has been banned since 2022 over concerns that it affects fertility and fetal development. Last year, the UK government told consumers to dispose of any products containing the ingredient. 'I am shocked by it, and I think we have a duty to protect European consumers,' McGrath told the Guardian. National consumer protection authorities send out rapid alerts across the EU warning of unsafe non-food products as part of a service, Safety Gate, which is also open to consumer complaints. Last year, Safety Gate received a record high of 4,137 alerts with more than a third relating to cosmetics, ahead of toys, electrical appliances, auto and chemical products. While consumer groups are concerned about safety, McGrath is also worried that the platforms which have exploded in popularity in the last two years are damaging local businesses through unfair competition. 'The growth is extraordinary, and it has placed enormous pressure on the systems at member state level,' he said. 'I am determined that we step up our enforcement of our product safety laws and our consumer protection rules. It's not only about protecting consumers, but there is a very serious level playing field issue here for European businesses, because they are expected to compete with sellers who are not complying with our rules,' he said. 'They are incurring significant costs in Europe to comply with our requirements, and they should not be expected to compete with those who are not doing the same.' EU figures show 12m low-value items coming into the bloc a day, amounting to 4.6bn consignments under €150 for 2024 – double that of 2023 and three times as many as 2022. Sign up to Business Today Get set for the working day – we'll point you to all the business news and analysis you need every morning after newsletter promotion Among the moves the EU is considering is an abolition of the €150 duty-free threshold and the introduction of a handling fee for each package which may deter low-value purchases and help pay the cost of extra customs investigations. The move would echo the situation in the US, where Donald Trump signed an executive order to end the $800 duty-free threshold in an assault on the Chinese sellers. American buyers have had to pay an additional 30% tax or a minimum of $50 an item after 1 June this year. Also possible is the creation of a EU-wide customs authority to cope with the systemic issues. McGrath said it 'remains to be seen' if the subject will be raised at an EU-China summit in Beijing on 25 July but he plans to address it directly himself. 'It will certainly be engaging directly with Chinese authorities and we will visiting later on this year,' he said. Shein said it was investing $15m this year in compliance and safety initiatives including 2.5m product and safety quality tests and has partnerships with 15 testing centres, including operations in the UK, Germany. It said it had removed 500 vendors since the launch of its marketplace. A spokesperson said: 'Earning and maintaining the trust of our consumers is paramount, and we are fully committed to ensuring the products we offer are safe and compliant. 'All of our vendors are required to comply with Shein's code of conduct and stringent safety standards, and must also abide by the relevant laws and regulations of the markets where we operate.' Temu has been approached for comment.


Telegraph
11 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Sex, alcohol and bad language: The Welsh cathedral that showed how not to run a place of worship
When Rhys Evans then applied to train as a priest, it was John who ensured he was accepted. And then in 2021, when Rhys Evans was hardly out of theological college, John named him Sub-Dean of the Cathedral, in charge – among other things – of its money. Many voiced concerns at the time that Rhys Evans had a conflict of interest in overseeing both the finances of the cathedral and the diocese. The two had to be separate. The Charity Commission seems to agree with them. It is now examining allegations that money given to support the diocese was used to buy expensive new seating for the cathedral at an estimated cost of between £200,000 and £400,000. Some congregation members the Telegraph spoke to say that the sub-dean was not a universally popular figure in the cathedral, though some point to his achievements in boosting congregations at set-piece liturgies, such as the Christmas Eve service. Others who have spoken to the Telegraph describe him as clique-ish, and claim they were excluded from decision-making in what they regarded as 'their cathedral'. Allegedly, their views were ignored and their hard work, usually as volunteers, to keep it running was taken for granted. Rhys Evans is alleged to have 'hand-picked' members of the choir who went on a trip to Rome in 2023, the Telegraph has been told, leaving behind those who had questioned his judgements. They did not get to enjoy the smart hotels that were preferred to pilgrim hostels nor the taxis that felt more appropriate than shoe-leather for getting around the city. According to a source in the Bangor Diocese, the final bill for the visit is believed to have come to over £20,000. Taken alongside the prosecco that was regularly served at the most minor event in the cathedral, more sober voices in the congregation were asking increasingly loudly if this was a suitable use of the money put on the plate each week. It took Archbishop John a long time to hear them but, when he did, he commissioned both a formal 'visitation' (inspection) of the life of the cathedral, and a safeguarding review from an independent agency. These are the two reports that are now being kept secret. The archbishop seems to have seen through his protégé long before either report landed on his desk. Whatever faith in Rhys Evans he once had had and maintained for over a decade, it was apparently now lost as he put him on gardening leave. Some in the congregation are happy to speculate why it took so long but they provide no evidence. Rhys Evans – who lists his interests on his X account as 'spirituality, religion, gender and Italian greyhounds' – resigned in December 2024 to take up a job as bursar at Westminster College, a United Reform Church establishment in Cambridge. He left there in May after his probation period. So, what will happen now the two principals in the drama have exited stage right? In matters financial, the Charity Commission, when it completes its investigation, has substantial powers if it has found evidence of improper behaviour. Some are even asking for police involvement around the allegations of misuse of funds. Rev Professor McPhate has a wider concern, namely that 'an injustice' may be being done 'to any persons who have been damaged by what went on, and to those who faithfully have given their money to the Church, trusting that it would be used appropriately and wisely'. There is a risk that Bangor Cathedral's bruised congregation will vote with its feet and leave its community. But he also adds a note of caution about the rumours created by the archbishop's sudden resignation. In his eight years worshipping at the cathedral, he says, 'I have never witnessed any culture of alcohol abuse or sexual promiscuity to which the [safeguarding] report makes reference. If true, the reference must allude to extramural behaviour by specific individuals, of which I know nothing.' Writer Tim Wyatt, whose The Critical Friend substack covers Anglican affairs, sees in the whole saga a 'resonance' with the departure of Justin Welby, Archbishop of Canterbury, in January. Neither leader came out well from independent reports into their conduct (Welby around his links to John Smyth whose abuse of children went unchallenged and unpunished). Both then tried to hang on despite the findings, presenting themselves implausibly as the solution not the problem. And both finally resigned with little good grace. 'Neither were bad people,' says Wyatt, 'and both made a series of bad decisions and paid heavily for them.' Is there, then, a problem with the selection process for senior leadership roles in the Church that needs addressing? Rev Dr Mark Clavier, Canon Theologian for the diocese of Swansea and Brecon, believes that this whole episode highlights a worrying trend. 'I've served in ministry for three decades in the US, England and Wales, and I've rarely known clergy and congregations to feel more fatigued than now. That's partly down to the Church's structures and leadership that don't always feel responsive or participatory.' But he goes further. 'Culture is the common thread between the various crises we've seen. Their frequency – and the way they've sometimes been handled – have reinforced a sense that decision-making is too closed and too centralised, with key choices made by a small circle without enough wider involvement. That's not healthy for any church.'