
From IIT to Ivy League: Where these 10 Indian-origin entrepreneurs behind billion dollar startups studied
Indian-origin entrepreneurs are at the forefront of global innovation, leading the charge in AI, space tech, fintech, and social impact. While much of the spotlight is on their billion-dollar valuations and high-growth ventures, their academic beginnings often tell a deeper story.
From the corridors of
IIT
and MIT to activism-inspiring classrooms at Stanford, education has played a critical role in shaping how these leaders think, build, and lead.
Here's a closer look at the educational backgrounds that laid the foundation for these 10 remarkable startup founders making global headlines in 2025:
Deepinder Goyal
: Founder, LAT Aerospace and
Zomato
Before revolutionising food delivery with Zomato and now venturing into hybrid-electric aviation with LAT Aerospace, Deepinder Goyal was a math-loving engineering student with a sharp problem-solving mindset.
Education:
Undergrad:
Indian
Institute of Technology
(IIT) Delhi – B.Tech in Mathematics and Computing
Goyal's time at IIT Delhi honed his analytical skills and introduced him to the power of systems thinking, which later translated into Zomato's operational efficiency. Today, he is reapplying that same foundation to innovate regional air mobility.
Balaji Srinivasan: Former co-founder, Counsyl
A serial entrepreneur and one of the most influential thinkers in tech and crypto, Balaji is taking on his boldest vision yet—building a new, decentralised society from scratch on a private island.
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His ideas about governance, networks, and sovereignty are rooted deeply in his academic training.
Education:
Undergrad & PhD:
Stanford University – BS, MS, and PhD in Electrical Engineering
Balaji's years at Stanford, where he also taught, helped shape his worldview around decentralisation, bioinformatics, and future-ready infrastructure. His doctoral research laid the groundwork for projects that combined biology, computation, and systems design.
Bhavish Aggarwal: Co-founder, Ola &
Ola Electric
From transforming urban mobility in India to accelerating the electric vehicle revolution, Bhavish Aggarwal has redefined how India moves.
With Ola, he built one of the country's first ride-hailing unicorns. Now, with Ola Electric, he's betting big on sustainable transportation — from e-scooters to battery innovation.
Education:
Undergrad:
Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Bombay – B.Tech in Computer Science
Aggarwal's academic foundation in computer science at IIT Bombay equipped him with the technical skills to scale complex platforms. His campus experience nurtured an entrepreneurial spirit that would eventually lead to Ola.
Today, his dual focus on digital infrastructure and green mobility places him at the forefront of India's climate-tech future.
Nikesh Arora
: CEO, Palo Alto Networks (ex-Google, ex-SoftBank)
Nikesh Arora has consistently operated at the helm of some of the world's most powerful tech companies. After high-impact roles at Google and SoftBank, he is now leading Palo Alto Networks — a global cybersecurity powerhouse — into its next phase of innovation and enterprise dominance. Known for his sharp strategic mind and deal-making ability, Arora blends tech fluency with financial precision.
Education:
Undergrad:
Institute of Technology, Banaras Hindu University (now IIT-BHU) – B.Tech in Electrical Engineering
Graduate:
Northeastern University – MS in Finance
MBA:
Boston College – MBA in Finance
This multidisciplinary education helped him drive multi-billion-dollar growth across tech, telecom, and now cybersecurity — proving the power of cross-domain leadership.
Suchi Mukherjee
: Founder & CEO, Limeroad
Blending fashion, technology, and user experience, Suchi Mukherjee carved a space for Limeroad in India's fiercely competitive e-commerce landscape. A champion of accessible fashion for women, she reimagined online shopping through curated looks, community-driven content, and a clean, mobile-first platform.
Education:
Undergrad:
University of Cambridge – BA in Economics
Graduate:
London School of Economics (LSE) – MSc in Finance & Economics
These skills helped her lead product and business strategy roles at eBay and Gumtree in the UK before returning to India to launch Limeroad — a brand now known for its innovation in social commerce and customer-first design.
Neha Narkhede: Co-founder, Confluent
A trailblazer in the world of big data infrastructure, Neha Narkhede is the co-creator of Apache Kafka, the real-time data streaming platform used by thousands of companies including Netflix, Uber, and Goldman Sachs.
After her time at LinkedIn, she co-founded Confluent, the company behind Kafka's enterprise applications, which went public in a multibillion-dollar IPO. Today, she is also an active investor, supporting the next wave of founders in enterprise tech.
Education:
Undergrad:
Pune Institute of Computer Technology – BE in Computer Engineering
Graduate:
Georgia Institute of Technology – MS in Computer Science
Her journey underscores how rigorous engineering training, paired with a bold product vision, can transform the way the world processes information.
Anand Kannappan: Co-founder, Patronus AI
As AI adoption skyrockets, Anand is one of the minds ensuring it remains responsible and secure. Patronus AI builds tools to validate and test generative AI models at scale.
Education:
Undergrad:
University of Chicago – Bachelor's degree in Economics and Computer Science
MIT gave Anand the chance to work on real-world AI problems and cutting-edge research. His academic work laid the foundation for a career in AI safety and infrastructure.
Arjun Desai
: Co-founder, Cartesia
What if powerful AI tools could run without the internet? That's what Arjun Desai and his team at Cartesia are solving.
Their edge-AI systems have caught the attention of major VCs.
Education:
Undergrad:
Stanford University – BS in Computer Science
Arjun's education trained him in decentralised computing and resource optimisation—skills crucial to developing AI that works offline. He was also part of Stanford's vibrant AI and entrepreneurship communities.
Aman Sanger: Co-founder, Anysphere (Cursor)
Aman is making coding easier and smarter with Cursor, an AI co-pilot used by 30,000+ developers. His vision is reshaping how software is built.
Education:
Undergrad:
Massachusetts Institute of Technology – BS in Computer Science
At MIT, Aman immersed himself in AI, natural language processing, and human-computer interaction. His experience in research labs and startup incubators accelerated Cursor's development from campus to company.
Rahul Garg: Founder & CEO, Moglix
From B2B e-commerce to industrial supply chain transformation, Rahul's Moglix has become one of India's most valued tech unicorns.
Education:
Undergrad:
Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Kanpur – B.Tech
MBA:
Indian School of Business (ISB), Hyderabad
Rahul's blend of engineering precision and business acumen comes from his dual training at IIT and ISB.
This mix helps him navigate complex supply chains with strategic agility.
These founders show that great ideas don't emerge in isolation. They are often shaped, refined, and challenged in lecture halls, coding labs, and startup clubs. Whether it's Stanford, IIT, Harvard, or ISB — education has been a powerful catalyst behind their global success.
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New Indian Express
31 minutes ago
- New Indian Express
BRICS Summit: Focus on India-Brazil strategic partnership for a multipolar world
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Brazil today matters to India not only as the largest economy of Latin America but also as a like-minded democratic country with whom India wishes to 'co-write' the rules of international governance. This convergence has been reflected also in the growing frequency and intensity of high-level interaction between the two countries. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Prime Minister Modi have also been spotted several times since Lula's 2023 re-election as the two leaders have committed to upgrading the Strategic Partnership to the next level. But the current era of geopolitics gives special meaning to their convergence. The Rio BRICS Summit, its first since the grouping expanded in 2024, occurs against the backdrop of a fracturing international order where the return of multilateralism is increasingly questioned. Western institutions increasingly appear self-absorbed and the global South is speaking out more vocally than before. In this fluid world, India and Brazil offer the world a development-focused and democratic alternative. Their collaboration in BRICS seeks to turn the grouping into more than the symbol of rising power solidarity that it is today. India and Brazil aim to make it the forum for offering tangible deliverables for the Global South in the form of alternate sources of finance like the New Development Bank or new models of trade, digital connectivity, and climate finance. Indeed, the current Brazilian presidency of BRICS this year and the upcoming Indian chairmanship in 2026 is a rare diplomatic relay. Under Lula's administration, Brazil has emphasized a more politically integrated BRICS, one advocating for democratic values and challenging the imbalances of the current world order. Modi has echoed this priority, arguing that BRICS must induce international institutional change. 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As bridge-builders between the Global South and the North, between the world of the democracies and the world of the developing nations, between development and growth, their bilateral ties are now a global good. For India, Brazil is as big of a partner of BRICS as it is a center-piece of a larger diplomatic offensive aimed at democratizing international institutions and transferring normative power. When PM Modi and President Lula get together side by side at the Rio Summit, the conversation must be bold: the India-Brazil relationship is no longer peripheral but at the very core of the way the two countries see the future of world order. The strength of the relationship will be less in terms of common desire and more in terms of collaborative action, from G4 to BRICS, from the UN to the G20. In a world as desperately in need of new coalitions for reform as for peace and inclusive growth, the coming together of Delhi and Brasilia gives the world a strong, democratic, and developmental vision of the multipolar world to come. (Manish Dabhade is an Associate Professor of Diplomacy in the School of International Studies, JNU& founded The Indian Futures, an independent think tank in New Delhi; X: @imanishdabhade)


The Print
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First Post
38 minutes ago
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As the Brics+ summit approaches, India's fragile reset with China faces fresh strain amid Chinese support for Pakistan and financial flows that could shape regional stability read more The timing of the Pahalgam attack—during an India-China rapprochement—reignited India's security calculus and raised doubts over whether such diplomatic efforts could be meaningfully sustained. Image: Reuters File On 6–7 July 2025, the expanded Brics+ leaders will convene in Rio de Janeiro; however, the summit's choreography has already been disrupted. Beijing has confirmed that Premier Li Qiang—not President Xi Jinping—will lead the Chinese delegation, while Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will attend in person. Xi's absence throws a spotlight on the still-delicate reset that New Delhi and Beijing began in late 2024. 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The ceasefire on May 10 ended the immediate violence, but tensions have remained high since then. The timing of the attack—during an India-China rapprochement—reignited India's security calculus and raised doubts over whether such diplomatic efforts could be meaningfully sustained. Blood and Bailouts: Chinese Dollars, Deadly Dividends? Amid the India-Pakistan flare-up, Beijing has been overt in its backing of Islamabad. In a high-profile visit to Beijing in May 2025, Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, who publicly reaffirmed China's 'ironclad' support for Pakistan's security. China simultaneously urged both sides to dialogue, but its message was clear: Pakistan is a close ally. For New Delhi, this duality—preaching restraint while funding and shielding Pakistan—undermines China's credibility as a stabilising actor. This diplomatic posture reinforces China's 'all-weather' friendship, even as India views Pakistan as a security threat. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD At the United Nations and other forums, China has also shielded Pakistan. For example, a March 2025 report noted that Beijing blocked India's UNSC proposal to sanction five Pakistan-based terrorists, including a key Lashkar-e-Taiba figure, and similarly blocked India's call to designate the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT)'s proxy 'The Resistance Front' (behind the Pahalgam attack) as global terrorists. The consistent veto of counter-terror measures at multilateral platforms adds another layer to India's frustration with the international rules-based order. China's economic investment in Pakistan underscores its strategic bond. Beijing is now Pakistan's largest bilateral creditor, with roughly US$29 billion in loans (~22 per cent of Pakistan's external debt). The flagship China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) project, channels tens of billions more into Pakistani infrastructure; the latest figures top $60 billion in investment commitments. Chinese spending on power plants, railways, and the Gwadar port has become a mainstay of Pakistan's fragile economy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In key sectors such as energy, logistics, and telecom, Chinese capital has translated into strategic leverage, blurring the lines between commercial partnership and geopolitical patronage. In fact, in February 2025, Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari's visit to China culminated in new agreements to expand trade and investment, accelerate China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects, and deepen security cooperation, including in the areas of technology and education. These developments further anchor the China–Pakistan alliance at a time of rising India–Pakistan tensions. Subsidising Instability: IMF, Investments, and Islamabad's Asymmetry Pakistan's stability now depends heavily on Chinese financing and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailouts more than ever. This pattern of external financing is not limited to China. Just a day before the Pahalgam ceasefire, the IMF approved a $2.4 billion bailout for Pakistan—$1 billion under the Extended Fund Facility and $1.4 billion via its climate-focused Resilience and Sustainability Trust. While framed as support for macroeconomic stability and climate resilience, the timing raised serious questions in India. It reinforced a perception that Pakistan, despite its sponsorship of terrorism, continues to receive lifelines from global institutions without accountability or behavioural change. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The sequence—from terror attack to retaliatory strikes and then IMF disbursement—seemed to reward belligerence rather than deter it. Critics argue that even if the IMF or Chinese funds are not directly used for military purposes, they ease budgetary pressure and free up resources that could be redirected toward defence and potentially militant infrastructure - in 2025, Pakistan's defence budget was set to rise by 18 per cent, even as it secured international financial support ostensibly for economic recovery. The IMF's long-standing technical neutrality in its engagements with Pakistan has become increasingly controversial. Despite 24 bailouts since 1958, meaningful reform remains elusive, mainly due to entrenched elite resistance, military dominance, and weak civilian oversight. Repeated IMF programmes have focused on macroeconomic stabilisation, while structural dysfunction has been left unaddressed. For India, the implications are grave: international financial institutions may be inadvertently subsidising a security threat. Pakistan's chronic crisis-response cycle—backed by both Chinese investment and Western liquidity—has not reduced its reliance on strategic proxies, but instead, risks sustaining them under the guise of economic stabilisation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Finally, Brics+ risks mirroring South Asia's own 'weaponised-bailout' paradox, where development rhetoric co-exists with permissive financing that enables destabilising proxies. The convergence of capital, conflict, and geopolitics in South Asia presents a dangerous paradox. As Pakistan leverages its strategic location to court both Chinese money and Western aid, India faces an increasingly asymmetric security landscape—one where conventional deterrence is undermined by financial impunity. The author is a research fellow at Observer Research Foundation. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.