Sarawak celebrates ethnic harmony at 2025 Unity Week
Ngemah state assemblyman Anyi Jana emphasised that Sarawak is home to over 43 ethnicities, including Iban, Bidayuh, Orang Ulu, Malay, Melanau, Chinese, and Penan communities.
Each group maintains unique traditions, attire, cuisine, and beliefs, with places of worship coexisting peacefully in both urban and rural areas.
'This reflects the acceptance, tolerance, and mutual respect among Sarawakians,' said Jana during his speech at the 2025 Sarawak Unity Week (SMP) opening at Tun Tuanku Haji Bujang Square.
The event was officiated by Deputy Minister of National Unity Senator Saraswathy Kandasami, representing Minister Datuk Seri Aaron Ago Dagang.
Also present were ministry secretary-general Datuk Haslina Abdul Hamid and State National Unity and Integration Department (JPNIN) director Diwarna Azool.
Saraswathy praised the theme 'Harmony in Diversity,' calling it fitting for Sarawak's multicultural society.
'Harmony here means peaceful coexistence among different backgrounds. The state's diversity includes Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism, and traditional beliefs,' she said.
She highlighted practices like gotong-royong, longhouse living, and shared celebrations of Gawai, Hari Raya, Christmas, and Chinese New Year as proof of solidarity.
'Harmony in Sarawak is a lived reality, not just a slogan. People here embrace tolerance and collaboration beyond race or religion,' she added. - Bernama
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Borneo Post
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A political move that backfired
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Opposition politicians used a gathering of thousands of party supporters at one spot in Kuala Lumpur and regarded the size of the crowd, real or bloated manifolds, as the sole criterion with which to convince the public at large and, in particular the supporters of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, should step down as Prime Minister without delay. However, one glaring flaw of this version of a coup d'état was that the organisers were not able to name a member of Parliament as the PM-designate during the rally, or soon after. It did not look like they had agreed beforehand that one MP from their group would be their nominee for the post. It has been a week now since the 'Turun Anwar' rally was held. At the time of writing this article, there has been no inkling that the incumbent PM has planned to call a press conference during which he would announce his resignation. Then one is tempted to wonder if the rally of 500,000 participants (some estimates say only 18,000 at most), had really achieved what its organisers had planned. To me, it begins to look like that this stratagem of mob rule has been counter-productive or ineffective in terms of forcing the incumbent Prime Minister to throw in the towels. Anwar's opponents have made him a martyr! Political crisis? Seeing in the social media and hearing from friends in Kuala Lumpur about the political fights for hegemony among the Malay politicians, many people in Sarawak I talked to are concerned about the eruption of a political crisis, and consequentially, of the possible side-effects of the political rifts in the peninsula. Those Sarawakians supporting the Unity Government and acknowledging the leadership of PM Anwar as the Chief Executive of the Unity Government, have a stake in that government. 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Either they join the government formed by the Opposition MPs, or they turn themselves into Opposition. That would be awkward for Sarawakians. Either way, a political vacuum will be created, and that is a perfect recipe for a full-scale political problem, which we can do without. At the risk of repeating myself, I say that any political group aiming to rule this country via the public rallies to unseat the incumbent head of the government and using any scheme other than the process of elections carried out according to the relevant law, would deserve to be censored by all peace-loving people in this country. These Opposition politicians would have deserved some respectability had they done the decent thing: proposing the motion of 'No Confidence' in Anwar's leadership as the Prime Minister at the right venue: the Parliament. There, they can 'tear' him to pieces and pile heaps of the wrongdoings that the PM has allegedly done – or imagined to have done. 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In terms of psychological warfare, during the Communist insurgency in Malaya, the governing authorities were always in a better position than that of the guerrillas. Our rally organisers ought to learn from history. Smart, the Anwar supporters have not resorted to holding rallies of their own. No need for these. The opponents of your Boss have made him a martyr! Do they not realise that the other Malaysians in the Boneo states are watching the intense politicking there with a growing concern? I note that this political rivalry in the early days of Malaysia and now, after so many years in Malaysia, the rivalry is still as intense as it was 60 years ago. What's happening, and why? The intense competition for political hegemony in Peninsular Malaysia does not bode well for the Malaysians in the Borneo states. Please stop me from elaborating. Before I finish this, I saw something disgusting on social media: the scene of an image that resembled Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, being flogged in public! I think that any group of politicians aspiring to rule the Federation in the future and using this method of punishment, can forget about looking at Sarawak for help to form a federal government. To describe the act as being 'inhuman' is almost generous! * The opinions expressed in this article are the columnist's own and do not reflect the view of the newspaper. malaysia politics Sarawak tebuk atap
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Borneo Post
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Grassroots voices demand self-determination
The recent PBS-STAR convention was not merely a political gathering, but a powerful manifestation of long-simmering frustration among Sabahans, a resounding cry demanding an end to decades of political marginalization. Thousands of delegates, a surging wave of human energy, united in their demand for independent candidacy, a 'solo' run in the upcoming state election, a bold rejection of the status quo that has long shackled and stifled Sabah's potential. This is not simply a political strategy, but a desperate struggle for survival, an urgent plea for freedom. The resounding 'solo, solo' chants echoing through the hall were not empty slogans, but a passionate declaration. For too long, Sabah has seen its political will controlled by Peninsular-based coalitions, its voice reduced to a faint whisper in the corridors of power. This 'solo' movement is not just another political strategy, but a rebellion against Sabah's systematic neglect within Malaysia's power structure, a rejection of long-standing injustice. Sabah's current political landscape is fraught with fragile and unstable alliances. The GRS government, propped up by PH and BN, appears stable on paper, but the reality on the ground is starkly different, a festering wound of deep-seated discontent. Sabahans feel betrayed, their autonomy eroded by this pragmatic and soulless political marriage, an alliance forged not on genuine unity, but on narrow and self-serving political considerations. This sense of betrayal was further fueled by UMNO President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi's statement on July 29th, broadcast on Astro Awani, declaring the BN-PH collaboration in Sabah as 'locked in.' This arrogant assertion, this blatant disregard for Sabah's political sovereignty, is an unacceptable insult. 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The passionate calls for 'solo' candidacy at the convention were not a promise from the entire GRS coalition, but the authentic expression of the will of 5,000 PBS and STAR supporters, their powerful voices demonstrating their unwavering resolve. They are tired of playing second fiddle, of being sidelined and ignored. They demand a decisive break from the past, a future where Sabah's self-determination is fully respected and its unique identity is celebrated within Malaysia.' This overwhelming frustration is the culmination of repeated betrayals, of broken promises, of Sabah's aspirations consistently sacrificed for Peninsular interests. Cooperation is necessary, but not at the cost of Sabah's unique and precious identity. This is not simply about rejecting cooperation, but about demanding respect, demanding equal rights, demanding that Sabah's voice be heard and valued. The burning question: who decides Sabah's fate? Is it the leaders on the ground, who understand the unique and diverse needs of Sabah's communities, or is it determined by distant federal leaders who may prioritize their own national agendas? This is a profound crisis of trust. When local leaders readily align with federal coalitions without transparent and meaningful consultation with their constituents, the bonds of trust are shattered. Sabah's leaders must seize this momentum wisely. The PBS-STAR convention was not just a display of unity, but a clear signal to act. Ignoring the 'solo, solo' calls would be a dangerous gamble, a major betrayal of the people's trust. This is not empty idealism, but an urgent political imperative. The path forward demands a fundamental rebalancing of the relationship between Sabah and the Peninsula. This is about strengthening Sabah's autonomy within Malaysia, prioritizing its agenda, establishing clear boundaries, and demanding decisive action to address its concerns. The Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) provides a clear framework for Sabah's autonomy. Building upon the principles enshrined in MA63, Sabah should strive to secure a political space that fully reflects its unique needs and aspirations, ensuring a future where its rights are respected and its potential is fully realized. I am glad that ongoing discussions between the Sabah State and Federal governments are underway to fully implement MA63. This process is crucial for securing a future where Sabah's voice is heard and its destiny is determined by its own people. It provides crucial context by highlighting the legal framework of the MA63 which underpins Sabah's claims for greater autonomy. Sabah has governed independently before. It has proven its capacity for self-rule. Let this past success inspire today's leadership to reclaim Sabah's political space, a space that truly reflects its unique needs and aspirations. This challenge is not just for PBS and STAR, but the responsibility of every leader in Sabah. Are we building a movement rooted in Sabah's reality, or are we merely tools of a national agenda? Sabah's future depends on this choice. Will Sabah progress with dignity and purpose, on its own terms, or will it remain a political colony? The convention has spoken; now, the leadership must respond with concrete action. The pressure is mounting. Some say leaving GRS is political suicide, but the people are crying out for change. The youth are disillusioned, weary of empty promises and ambiguous alliances. They demand clarity, not recycled narratives where loyalty is traded for positions and federal funds. PBS and STAR must honestly assess their position: are they being used to advance a Peninsular agenda, or are they genuine partners in a fair and equitable collaboration? The convention showcased both strength and underlying divisions, hesitations, and grassroots discontent. It is no longer about alliances, but about the why and the cost to the people of Sabah. Some claim going solo is suicidal, but the July 13th convention, with its electrifying 'GRS Solo!' chant from 7,000 participants, proves otherwise. It was not a top-down strategy, but a bottom-up revolution. It is not suicide, but a rebirth. This groundswell of support from the grassroots demands respect. It challenges the narrative of inevitable failure, promising a future where Sabah determines its own destiny. Ignoring this powerful wave of self-determination risks a catastrophic political backlash. The promises made must be kept, or Sabah will rise again, stronger, demanding its rightful place in the nation.
