UN Envoy urges reforms in Syria's political transition, compromise in SDF-Damascus talks
Two Kurdish forces, one civilian injured in motorcycle attack in Rojava
Most abducted Yazidis held in Syria amid Damascus inaction: Rescue office
Bedouin families forced to leave Suwayda despite years of peaceful coexistence
Syria agrees to further talks with Israel, state media reports
A+ A-
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - United Nations Special Envoy for Syria is urging 'major course corrections' in Damascus's political transition and security strategy following the recent outbreak of sectarian and intercommunal violence. Geir Pedersen also highlighted growing frustration in both Damascus and northeast Syria (Rojava) over delays in implementing a landmark agreement aimed at integrating civil and military institutions in the Kurdish-led region.
Speaking at a UN Security Council session on Monday, Pedersen warned that 'Syria's transition has been rocked this past month by violence and escalation that led to mass casualties, drained trust, and created more dangers of fragmentation.'
The UN envoy was referring to the deadly clashes that erupted on July 13 in Syria's southern Druze-majority Suwayda province.
According to the envoy, the violence began with "mutual kidnappings" between Druze groups and Bedouin tribes, quickly escalating into armed conflict. Government security forces deployed to de-escalate the situation were reportedly 'attacked' by Druze groups, while Pedersen also noted 'extremely grave reports of serious violations by security forces against Druze civilians.'
Documented abuses included 'extrajudicial executions, degrading treatment, desecration of corpses, looting, and destruction of property.' Pedersen reported 'hundreds of casualties and injuries among security forces, Druze fighters, and most tragically, civilians,' and that Israeli airstrikes further complicated the situation, causing additional civilian and military casualties.
Of note, the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) reported a death toll of 1,120 by July 20 from the Suwayda violence.
A fragile ceasefire is currently in place, but 'the situation remains tense and volatile,' with approximately 175,000 people displaced, the UN official said.
Sectarian abductions
Critically, Pedersen expressed alarm over 'reports of abductions of Druze women' following the deployment of security forces, and drew parallels with earlier incidents involving Alawite women in western Syria.
In early March, violence broke out in the Alawite-majority coastal regions after loyalists of ousted dictator Bashar al-Assad attacked security forces aligned with Syria's interim leadership. SOHR then-reported about 1,700 deaths - mostly Alawite civilians - with many casualties attributed to government or pro-government forces.
In response, Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa in early March ordered the creation of an 'independent national committee' to investigate the violence.
The committee's report, released last week, confirmed 1,426 deaths and identified 298 suspects involved in the abuses, including six former Assad regime operatives. However, the Supreme Alawite Council rejected the findings as an 'impudent play' and called for a UN-supervised investigation instead.
Pedersen on Monday urged Damascus to publish the committee's report to 'ensure justice for victims and accountability for all perpetrators,' adding that 'major course corrections on security and the political transition are needed' while stressing that 'a fragmented security architecture, filled with militias and lacking clear command, cannot sustain peace.'
Decentralization vs. centralization
Pedersen also voiced concern over the slow pace and lack of inclusivity in Syria's political transition, warning that fears around 'centralized power, limited transparency, and weak checks and balances' could further erode trust in the process. He emphasized that the new legislature, expected to be formed in September, must include 'all major Syrian groups and components.'
A key element of that transition is the early March agreement signed between interim President Sharaa and Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) chief Mazloum Abdi to integrate all civil and military institutions in northeast Syria (Rojava) under the administration of the Syrian state.
While negotiations are ongoing, senior officials from the Kurdish-led Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) last week told Rudaw that differing interpretations of the term "integration" remain a major hurdle. Rojava advocates for mutual recognition and a decentralized, democratic Syria that guarantees regional autonomy, while Damascus favors a more centralized system.
For his part, Pedersen acknowledged the ongoing "difficulties" in implementing the Abdi-Sharaa agreement, urging both sides to make compromises and "build trust and confidence" to achieve their shared goal of implementing the agreement by year-end. He also noted preparations are underway for a high-level meeting in Paris aimed at advancing the talks.
Of note, SDF chief Abdi on Tuesday stated that communication channels with the Syrian government are open daily, expressing approval of "the unity of Syria with one army and one flag" and the centralization of some sovereign institutions in Damascus. Speaking to the state-owned Saudi al-Arabiya channel he emphasized that the SDF aims to "become part of a new Syrian army" through a political solution that guarantees their constitutional rights.
In a statement on X, US Envoy for Syria Tom Barrack was quick to praise Abdi's leadership as 'pivotal to a stable Syria of 'one army, one government, one state,'' and described the dialogue between the SDF and Damascus as 'constructive.'
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Shafaq News
an hour ago
- Shafaq News
No State, No Surrender: Hamas rejected Witkoff's statement about disarmament
Shafaq News – Gaza Hamas declared on Saturday that it will not surrender its weapons unless an independent and fully sovereign Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital is established. 'The resistance and its weapons are a national and legal entitlement as long as the occupation continues, as recognized by international conventions and norms. They cannot be relinquished except through the full restoration of our national rights," Hamas stated. The group also dismissed US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff's recent comments suggesting Hamas was open to disarmament, calling them 'false and misleading.' Hamas's declaration came in direct response to the 'New York Declaration,' issued days earlier at a United Nations conference and backed by Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, France, and the Arab League. The declaration called on Hamas to hand its weapons to the Palestinian Authority as part of a regional framework for a ceasefire and eventual Palestinian statehood. Hamas rejected the demand outright, arguing that surrendering its weapons would strip Palestinians of their only means of resisting Israeli occupation. The group also launched a fierce attack on the United States and its envoy, describing Witkoff's recent visit to a Gaza aid distribution center as 'a pre-planned theatrical stunt aimed at misleading public opinion and whitewashing the occupation.' It accused the Trump administration of complicity in what it called 'the crime of starvation and genocide,' and denounced the Israeli-administered Gaza Humanitarian Foundation as 'an inhumane project created to complete the cycle of killing and annihilation.'
Shafaq News
2 hours ago
- Shafaq News
Turkiye's cautious gamble: PKK disarmament and the regional chessboard
Shafaq News An emerging Turkish initiative to demilitarize the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) has begun taking shape with a mix of symbolic gestures and deliberate caution. On July 11, a ceremonial handover and burning of weapons by PKK fighters near Al-Sulaymaniyah marked a rare moment of optimism in a five-decade conflict. Yet the broader geopolitical landscape remains fraught with risks that could delay or even derail the fragile peace process. The image of PKK fighters descending from mountain hideouts to surrender arms offered a striking visual against the backdrop of a 50-year insurgency. Still, the continuity of this process hinges on the coming weeks, as Turkiye's pursuit of a "historic" settlement must withstand domestic political pressures, security dilemmas, and shifting regional calculations. One notable gesture came when Turkish authorities allowed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan—held in Imrali prison since 1999—to receive a family visit from his nephew Omar Ocalan, accompanied by his legal representative Mazloum Dinc. In parallel, Ocalan also met with a delegation from the Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (HEDEP), known as the Imrali Delegation—a move interpreted as a calibrated message to the Kurdish political base. Observers point to the planned formation of a parliamentary committee as a potentially more consequential move. Set to be launched in early August, the committee is expected to accompany the peace process with legislative initiatives that would pave the way for legal reform, national reconciliation, and possible amnesties. Tentatively named the 'Committee for Social Peace, Justice, and Democratic Harmony,' it will comprise 51 lawmakers from across the political spectrum, including the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), Republican People's Party (CHP), Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), and HEDEP. A Wider Regional Landscape Yet the PKK disarmament process extends well beyond Turkish political institutions. Since the Al-Sulaymaniyah ceremony, regional actors—from Baghdad and Damascus to Tehran and Erbil—have closely monitored the implications. The security establishment in Turkiye, the leadership of the Kurdistan Region, European policymakers, and even the US President Donald Trump and Israeli officials are recalibrating their approaches in light of this potential shift. The PKK's role, once defined by its founding leader in the 1970s and armed insurgency launched in 1984, has now become part of a broader regional realignment. For Kurds in Turkiye, Iraq, Syria, and Iran, the symbolic act in Al-Sulaymaniyah served as a reminder of the enduring hope for peace—one that transcends the rugged mountains that once served as their shield. Kurdistan Region's Balancing Act Sarkis Kassargian, a specialist in Turkish and Syrian affairs, told Shafaq News that the PKK has entrenched military and political structures in areas like Qandil, Makhmour, and Sinjar of Iraqi Kurdistan. This presence has long been a source of tension—not only with Turkiye—but also with the federal government in Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). 'Despite Baghdad's repeated calls for the PKK's withdrawal,' Kassargian noted, 'Ankara maintains a firm military and intelligence footprint across the region.' He added that Turkiye may intensify pressure on Baghdad, Erbil, and Damascus to dismantle all PKK-linked military formations. Meanwhile, Kurdish political factions in the Kurdistan Region face a critical moment to reset intra-Kurdish balances in the wake of the disarmament move. A Syrian source familiar with Kurdish affairs cautioned that high hopes for peace do not guarantee results, emphasizing that Kurdish political gains in past decades have often proven reversible in the absence of comprehensive solutions. A significant turning point came in October 2024, when Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahceli proposed reconciliation with the PKK—on the condition that the group dissolve itself. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan followed with uncharacteristically frank rhetoric, acknowledging past injustices and policy failures, and estimating that the conflict had cost Turkiye over 50,000 lives and $2 trillion. Importantly, pressure for peace also came from beyond Turkiye. The damage inflicted on the Kurdistan Region by the prolonged PKK–Turkiye conflict pushed Erbil to adopt a more pragmatic and proactive stance—even before the Al-Sulaymaniyah ceremony. Kassargian emphasized that 'the KRG's pragmatic diplomacy allowed it to maintain strained resource-sharing ties with Baghdad while strengthening its relations with Turkiye, the US, and key regional players. A voluntary PKK dissolution could mark a historic turning point for the Kurdish issue.' Turkiye–Iraq Alignment Observers also note that the evolving alignment between Ankara and Baghdad —highlighted by their joint Development Road initiative—has facilitated new possibilities. The August 2024 bilateral security agreement allows Turkish forces to target PKK positions on Iraqi soil by officially designating the group as a proscribed organization. Nevertheless, uncertainty looms. Will all armed Kurdish factions linked to the PKK—or operating independently—heed the disarmament call? Will all PKK leadership figures commit to the endgame? Some analysts believe splinter groups may continue the armed struggle unless a comprehensive regional resolution is achieved, particularly in Syria and Iran. In Iraq, Kurdish autonomy is well-established and internationally recognized. However, in northeastern Syria—where PKK influence overlaps with Kurdish-led self-administration—local actors face growing external pressure. Their once-strong alliance with the US, rooted in 15 years of military and financial support, appears increasingly fragile amid Turkish offensives and encroachments by Syrian militias and interim government forces. Syria's Crossroads and the US Position US envoy Tom Barrack recently clarified Washington's stance on the future of Kurdish-led governance in Syria, stating: 'We will not accept a state within a state. This does not mean we are building a free Kurdistan in Syria. Nor an Alawite or Jewish state. There is one Syria, now being reshaped—with its parliament, constitution, and army. All roads lead to Damascus.' Despite this, negotiations between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian transitional President Ahmad al-Sharaa's government remain deadlocked. Turkiye has tied any progress on the PKK file to the dismantling of Kurdish self-administration in Syria. The recent Suwayda confrontations of Druze civilians—and Israel's direct military intervention, framed as protecting the Druze minority—have further complicated talks. Some human rights groups accuse the interim government of complicity in the massacre. As a result, the SDF has attempted to use the fallout to gain leverage in its negotiations with Damascus. According to Kassargian, the Turkish–Israeli rivalry over influence in post-Assad Syria is intensifying. Ankara's strategy now includes both political and military components: integrating the SDF into Syria's national army while dissolving its autonomous structures and the YPG. Militarily, Turkiye has threatened a joint operation against SDF zones, backed by a July 23 defense agreement with Damascus that legitimizes Turkish presence and initiates training for the Syrian army. Strategic Shift or Tactical Pause? The dramatic repositioning of regional actors—from Baghdad's realignment with Ankara, to Washington's recalibrated Syria strategy under Trump in December 2024, and the broader impact of Israel's regional campaigns—has forced the PKK into a defensive recalculation. 'President Erdogan is a smart and powerful man,' Trump said at the time, 'and the key to Syria will be in his hands.' These shifts suggest the Middle East is entering a phase of strategic reshuffling. For the PKK, the decision to disarm may reflect a calculated pause rather than full retreat—an attempt to adapt to the storm without losing core leverage. While the descent from the mountains into political engagement inspires hope, the path ahead is riddled with uncertainty. The cost of failure may be high, but the opportunity for lasting resolution—if seized with care—could redefine the Kurdish question for generations to come.
Rudaw Net
3 hours ago
- Rudaw Net
Yazidis in Germany fear deportation to Iraq
Also in World Exile and expression: Yazidi artists find voice in Germany Trump tells Rudaw Iran has been acting 'very badly' Russia reiterates support for Kurds to be 'integral' part of Syria Kurdish lawyer urges legal consultation as Germany steps up deportations A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Yazidis who sought refuge in Germany after surviving atrocities committed by the Islamic State (ISIS) fear they could be deported to Iraq as Berlin toughens its migration rules and anti-immigration measures grow in popularity across Europe. Qasim Ismael, 23, arrived in Germany in 2023 but recently had his asylum application rejected. He now lives in one of the hundreds of detention centers across the country, awaiting deportation. "For those of us from Sinjar, there is no future, especially under the Iraqi government," Ismael said, referring to the Shingal district in northern Iraq. "We have faced immense hardship and suffering, escaping near-death situations to arrive here." He said he took an 'arduous journey' to reach Germany and now does not know when he will be deported. 'I'm staying in a camp, not daring to go out. I'm afraid I will be arrested and deported by the police,' he said. Sunday marks 11 years since ISIS launched its surprise attack on Shingal, initiating a campaign of systematic killings, enslavement and rape of thousands of Yazidis. The United Nations and the German parliament, the Bundestag, have recognized the attack as genocide. Although ISIS has been driven out, much of Shingal remains devastated. The region still lacks basic services, security, and infrastructure, with rival militias and political factions vying for control. The lack of stability, reconstruction, and accountability has left many Yazidis unable to return home. Last month, Germany deported 43 Iraqis, including a Yazidi family. A court ruled to stay their deportation, but the decision was not available until after their flight landed in Baghdad, DW reported. State authorities are now trying to bring the family back to Germany, but many Yazidis fear they could face the same fate. "Thousands of people are awaiting deportation. It is estimated that between 5,000 and 10,000 individuals are under this order, and a great sense of fear prevails among them," said Erfan Ortaj of the Yazidi Advisory Council. "They are unable to return because the basic conditions for a dignified and peaceful life do not exist in Sinjar," he added. The deportation of Yazidis has sparked strong criticism from center-left parties. "It is an unbelievable mistake that Yazidi families still have to live in fear of being deported because, quite objectively, they are not safe," said Katharina Droge, parliamentary co-leader of the Greens. "Of course, Yazidi people in Germany rightly expect to have safety and protection here," Droge said. "As the Green parliamentary group, we are calling for a stop to deportations of Yazidi people, and we urge the federal government to implement this now."
