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Pro-Trump New Hampshire dad is stuck in Canada after visit. Green card holder's lived in US since he was 3

Pro-Trump New Hampshire dad is stuck in Canada after visit. Green card holder's lived in US since he was 3

Independent2 days ago
A New Hampshire father and avid Trump supporter has been barred from re-entering the U.S. after a family vacation in Canada.
Chris Landry, who has been a legal U.S. resident since 1981 when he was three-years-old, was stopped at the border in Holton, Maine, despite having a green card.
'They pulled me aside and started questioning me about my past convictions in New Hampshire,' he told NBC News, speaking from New Brunswick. 'They denied me re entry and said, you know, don't come back or we will detain you.'
Landry, who was born in Canada, faced of marijuana possession and driving with a suspended license in 2004 and 2007.
He was given a suspended sentence and paid a fine, and has had no criminal record since.
'I never expected that I wouldn't be able to go back home,' he told WMUR. 'It was scary. I felt like I was being treated like a criminal.'
'The only way for me to get back in was to see a immigration judge,' he told NBC, adding that his future is now 'uncertain' and he worries he may have to spend the rest of his life in Canada.
Landry was traveling with three of his children, who are all American citizens, when he was stopped. They will reportedly return to the U.S. in the coming days.
Though he was unable to vote in the 2024 U.S. presidential election, Landry said he was a fan of Donald Trump. However he says his attitude towards the administration and its policies have now changed.
'I was definitely all for Make America Great Again and having a strong unified country and a bright future for my five American children, but now I feel differently,' he said.
In a statement, USCBP said: 'Possessing a green card is a privilege, not a right, and under our nation's laws, our government has the authority to revoke a green card if our laws are broken and abused.
'Lawful permanent residents presenting at a U.S. port of entry with previous criminal convictions, may be subject to mandatory detention and/ or may be asked to provide additional documentation to be set up for an immigration hearing.'
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Reform council complains Labour is being TOO TOUGH on migrant workers warning clampdown on care sector could see vital staff 'going home'
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Reform council complains Labour is being TOO TOUGH on migrant workers warning clampdown on care sector could see vital staff 'going home'

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During the last great declinist wave, in the 1970s and early 1980s, Britain's failing industry was blamed on a pincer movement of overmighty unions and a state dominated by an inept upper class who ruled over more qualified recruits. For Margaret Thatcher and her acolytes, these where the 'enemy within'. There has often been a racialised element to declinism. In the late 1970s, the cultural theorist Stuart Hall and his co-authors saw the racial panic around 'mugging' as one aspect of the declinist narrative that led to the later dominance of Thatcherism. Thatcher herself, in 1978, famously spoke of the fear that 'that this country might be swamped by people with a different culture'. What seems new this time is the degree to which the two are fused. The problem for today's declinists is not so much Britain's stagnant economy and eviscerated state but the country's racial demographics, of which economic decline and political crisis are merely symptoms. On 19 June, for example, the Tory peer David Frost warned that under the twin evils of immigration and 'aggressive wokeism', Britain had undergone an 'unprecedented break in national continuity' – gone was the 'Britain of Christianity and the church', of the Romans and the Tudors, Churchill and the all-conquering Victorians, replaced by the ugly online neologism, 'the Yookay'. A day later, David Goodhart, writing in the Evening Standard, pondered the fate of the capital 'when London's white British population falls below 20 per cent in 10 years time'. 'Is there some minimum number of natives that a capital requires before it ceases to be the capital?' he asks, after quoting dubious statistics on the national costs of social housing first published on an obscure, anonymous rightwing blog. Come the end of the month, things had reached such a pitch of wailing hysteria and moral panic that it was difficult to discern fact from wild-eyed projection. The cover story in the summer edition of the Critic, for instance, warned of a soon-to-be-realised Britain of gated compounds and armoured trucks protecting British citizens from ethnic guerrilla conflict, thick with lurid depictions 'of gunfire, off in the distance; you're getting used to it now'. 'Fiction, perhaps,' wrote its author, a Conservative councillor for bucolic Scotton and Lower Wensleydale. 'But for how long?' Much of this can be explained as a form of circular reasoning. The same sources are endlessly recycled, with Goodwin's predictions of demographic collapse and various rightwing memes quoted and requoted in each succeeding piece, in turn justifying the next ratcheting up of racialised panic. Conversely, it is hard to deny that Britain is experiencing something like decline: productivity is stagnant, as are wages for the majority of people; inequality runs rampant, with the country looking increasingly like post-crash Greece without the climate; while faith in the political system and in our politicians and ruling elite reaches record lows. This is a febrile mix, although one only heightened by predictions of state collapse and race war. What we're now witnessing in the rightwing press is the real-time creation of a new political myth. By calling forth the nightmare of state collapse under the ever-increasing pressure of ethnic conflict and white replacement, the right has managed to cast itself as saviours. The nightmare serves as both a rallying cry and a legitimation: a call to a middle-class base which is feeling the pain of a stagnant economy, that those at fault are the racialised outsiders who bring disorder and drain the state of its already squeezed resources; and a justification for the tough actions needed to stem the tide of immigrants from across the border. No mention is made of the policies that might actually help to stem the sense of economic decline that many British people feel, such as wealth redistribution. Nor do today's declinists have anything to say about the role that austerity played in dismantling the state. In this sense, blaming decline on racial demographics is an opportunity to avoid changes that would be anathema to the right. As Labour increasingly apes Conservative rhetoric about fiscal rectitude, tanking ever further in opinion polls as it tails the right, space is opening for a new narrative in British politics. It doesn't matter that the predictions about a racialised apocalypse may never come true, since conjuring these fears opens up new political possibilities. If inter-ethnic conflict is the symptom of decline, then hardened borders and mass deportations can be offered as the solution. This, not ethnic conflict, should be our greatest fear. John Merrick is the deputy editor of the Break–Down

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