Special counsel looks into ties between covert operation in Mongolia, 2024 martial law
The special counsel suspects that the operation was designed to provoke North Korea or to open a line of communication that could serve as justification for Yoon to declare martial law.
According to local daily Hankyoreh on Wednesday, two Korea Defense Intelligence Command officers — a lieutenant colonel and a major — were deployed to Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, where they attempted to approach the North Korean Embassy through Mongolian officials. They had been tasked with gathering intelligence on North Korea, and their mission report reportedly listed the North Korean Embassy as a target.
The officers were detained by Mongolian intelligence authorities during the operation and were released after then-KDIC commander Gen. Moon Sang-ho traveled to Mongolia to request their release. Moon was suspended in December over his alleged involvement in the martial law plan.
The KDIC has long been linked to the broader martial law scheme. However, no concrete evidence has been found to prove its direct involvement, apart from its ties to Noh Sang-won, who was arrested in December on charges of orchestrating the plan.
Noh reportedly received a list of 46 intelligence officers from Gen. Moon in October 2024. A notebook seized from Noh contained phrases such as 'induce the North's attack at NLL' and 'waste balloon,' which investigators believe suggest attempts to fabricate a security crisis in the lead-up to the Dec. 3 declaration.
If such intent from the KDIC is discovered through the special counsel investigation, officials responsible for the actions could be subject to charges of treason. Under Article 93 of the Criminal Act, treason refers to acts of colluding with foreign powers to initiate war or armed rebellion against the country.
As of press time, the Ministry of National Defense has not commented on the investigation. When reports about the Mongolia operation first surfaced in late 2024, the ministry denied any connection between the trip and preparations for martial law.
The investigation into the Mongolia operation is unfolding alongside suspicions of a similar effort to provoke the North: a drone mission carried out by the military in early October 2024.
Testimony obtained by the special counsel indicates that former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun ordered the Drone Operations Command to fly an unmanned aircraft toward North Korea in October 2024.
According to transcripts, Joint Chiefs of Staff Operations Director Lt. Gen. Lee Seung-oh testified that Kim personally directed the missions, rerouting drones to areas such as Nampo and regions north of the East Sea's Northern Limit Line.
Military personnel testified that the drone flights took place on Oct. 3, 9 and 10. On Oct. 11, North Korea's Foreign Ministry issued a statement claiming that South Korean drones had flown over Pyongyang and dropped anti-regime leaflets.
The special counsel later sought an arrest warrant for former Drone Operations Commander Kim Yong-dae on charges of forging military documents to conceal the mission.
However, the court rejected the request on Monday, citing insufficient grounds for detention. The investigation team is reviewing the court's decision and considering whether to refile the request.
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- Korea Herald
[Wang Son-taek] Subtler signals in Kim Yo-jong's statement
On Monday and Tuesday, Kim Yo-jong, deputy director of the North Korean Workers' Party and sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, issued statements filled with strong and resolute language targeting both South Korea and the United States. She declared that, regarding South Korea, 'We have completely exited the era of perceiving them as compatriots,' and told the US, 'Contact between North Korea and the US is only America's wish.' At first glance, these remarks might suggest that North Korea is maintaining a hardline policy stance toward both Seoul and Washington. However, taking these statements at face value would be a misjudgment. There exist dual contexts beneath the content; the form itself cannot simply be evaluated as entirely hardline. Notably, these statements were made voluntarily by North Korea at a moment when there was neither an external provocation nor any signs of internal turmoil. Typically, North Korea issues such pronouncements in response to external military stimuli or in reaction to strong diplomatic pressures. This time, however, the remarks seem to be reacting instead to conciliatory gestures from South Korea and the US. Thus, the real purpose of these statements is not merely to reaffirm their stance, but also to deny the possibility of dialogue outright. Rather, they are preemptively setting the parameters for future bilateral or multilateral relations and making their own political and security conditions explicitly clear to the outside world. Since taking office on June 4, the Lee Jae Myung administration has pursued multiple initiatives to improve relations with the North: halting loudspeaker broadcasts across the border, banning anti-North Korea leaflets, considering individual tourism programs and working toward normalizing the Ministry of Unification. According to Unification Minister Chung Dong-young, 'The era of tit-for-tat confrontation is over.' Collectively, these moves send an explicit message of a new approach, differing significantly from the previous administration. While Kim Yo-jong dismissed these changes as 'not even worth evaluating,' the fact that she addressed each measure in detail is notable. Had they truly been meaningless, she would not have taken the effort to include them in a formal statement. Some experts interpret these comments as North Korea making clear that it has no interest whatsoever in resuming dialogue with the South. However, such an interpretation may be overly hasty and insufficiently nuanced. A closer reading of Kim's wording reveals that Pyongyang has been closely monitoring recent policy moves and messages from both Seoul and Washington. Her reference to the Lee administration's assessment of the past few years as 'the worst or most foolish of times' expresses agreement that the administration of former President Yoon Suk Yeol had taken a hardline stance toward North Korea. The North is closely watching how the new government in Seoul seeks to adjust the preconditions for inter-Korean relations and, rather than seeking a full severance, is likely signaling an 'indirect response' and a readiness to seize initiative if dialogue does eventually occur under favorable circumstances. The message toward the United States is strong, but more proactive in signaling compared to the one directed at South Korea. 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Saving face and maintaining dignity are essential pillars of North Korean diplomatic language and its foreign policy psychology. Given this, while the statement appears harsh and aggressive, it may not be intended as a total and final rejection of all diplomatic contact. North Korea continues to emphasize its position as a rule-setter in diplomatic negotiations and signals that contact is still possible — as long as it takes place within its preferred and carefully calibrated framework. That kind of approach might provide a possible reason for North Korea to join dialogues, and South Korea and the US can determine the scenario. In summary, Kim Yo-jong's statement loudly declares a break, but it also includes efforts to monitor counterpart reactions, control diplomatic framing and set preconditions. What is needed now is not to fixate solely on North Korea's abrasive wording, but to carefully analyze the multiple meanings embedded within. Interpreting why, when and in what context this statement was made is also crucial for effective policymaking. Sometimes, what North Korea does not say is far more significant than what it does. This latest statement offers a textbook case in that regard.
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