Thai opposition puts no-confidence vote on hold, vows to prevent political deadlock
Thailand's Constitutional Court on Tuesday suspended Paetongtarn from her duties after accepting a petition from 36 senators who accused the prime minister of dishonesty and breaching ethical standards following a leaked phone conversation between her and Cambodia's influential former leader Hun Sen.
Leaders of the five opposition parties — including the Bhumjaithai Party which left the government coalition last month — met ahead of the reconvening of parliament on Thursday, vowing to work together to put pressure on the government.
'We must wait for clarity on the case being considered by the Constitutional Court involving Paetongtarn before deciding when to submit a no-confidence motion,' said Leader of the Opposition Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut.
Natthaphong who is also head of the People's Party, which hold the largest share of parliamentary seats, said opposition parties will work together to ensure that there is no political deadlock, even if Paetongtarn is dismissed by the court.
'I confirm that all opposition party leaders have discussed and agreed that we will not let politics reach a dead end,' he said.
The government which holds a slim parliamentary majority, is under fire from multiple fronts, including public protests, and has reshuffled the cabinet to shore up support from its coalition partners.
A total of 14 new cabinet ministers were sworn in to duty by King Maha Vajiralongkorn on Thursday, including the suspended Paetongtarn, who will take on a new cabinet role as minister of culture.
The cabinet will meet later on Thursday to appoint deputy prime minister Phumtham Wechayachai as the new caretaker leader.
Phumtham, 71, who is a former defence minister, will take on the role of interior minister following the reshuffle. — Reuters
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Malay Mail
2 hours ago
- Malay Mail
Fragile ceasefire on the brink: Cambodia and Thailand face renewed crossfire — Phar Kim Beng
AUGUST 4 — The borderlands between Thailand and Cambodia are once again teetering on the edge of conflict. What had appeared to be a tentative peace is now hanging by a thread. In an official statement released by the Cambodian Ministry of National Defense on August 3, 2025, Phnom Penh alleged that the Thai military, in collaboration with its own authorities, had instructed the evacuation of remaining Thai civilians in the border area of Surin Province, effective by the night of the same day. This abrupt move, reportedly confirmed at 10.49am, sets off alarm bells across Asean. More troubling is Cambodia's accusation that Thai armed forces are preparing to launch a series of attacks on multiple sacred and symbolically sensitive sites — Tamone Thom Temple, Ta Krabey Temple, and Preah Vihear Temple — stretching to the Anseh area. The timing is perilously close to the Extraordinary Meeting of the General Border Committee (GBC), scheduled for August 7 in Kuala Lumpur. If true, these reported plans of a preemptive military offensive not only raise serious questions about Thailand's strategic calculus but also threaten to derail the fragile peace painstakingly forged just days earlier. At the heart of this intensifying crisis lies the July 28 ceasefire agreement, signed under the auspices of Malaysia and witnessed by the United States and China. The accord, hailed at the time as a breakthrough, marked the first genuine attempt by both sides to put in place a joint monitoring mechanism to contain escalating hostilities. Yet, within less than a week, allegations of sabotage and premeditated violations have emerged. From Phnom Penh's perspective, the Thai military's reported actions would constitute a gross breach of Cambodia's territorial sovereignty. Such a move would not only undercut the spirit and letter of the ceasefire agreement but also reveal the structural weaknesses in Asean's conflict prevention mechanisms. While Malaysia, as Asean Chair, has played a vital role in mediating both sides, the pressures now bearing down on the ceasefire show how easily regional diplomacy can be overtaken by unilateral military ambition. The Cambodian Defence Ministry's appeal to the international community is therefore not just a diplomatic ritual — it is a cry for immediate intervention. Cambodia has urged global actors, particularly those who stood witness to the July 28 agreement, to prevent the unfolding of another cross-border war. What makes this scenario more combustible is the combination of military evacuation orders, targeted temple zones, and overlapping historical grievances that have long haunted Thai-Cambodian relations. The stakes are high. If the reported Thai offensive proceeds, not only would it risk full-scale retaliation by Cambodian forces, but it would also plunge Asean into a regional security crisis with broader geopolitical ramifications. The temples in question are not just ancient monuments; they are powerful symbols of national identity, sovereignty, and contested memory. A single miscalculation in such highly charged terrain could ignite a wider regional fallout, drawing in external powers and disrupting vital economic corridors in mainland South-east Asia. What remains unclear is whether the Thai civilian leadership in Bangkok has sanctioned these alleged military movements or whether the Thai military is acting autonomously, as it has often done in the past. If it is the latter, then the political establishment in Thailand must take swift steps to reassert control, lest it be perceived as complicit in undermining a ceasefire that had already brought some relief to more than 160,000 displaced civilians on both sides of the border. For Asean, this is a litmus test. The fragility of the Thai-Cambodian ceasefire is not merely a bilateral issue — it is a regional emergency that touches on the credibility of the Asean Charter, the effectiveness of the Asean Regional Forum (ARF), and the sincerity of member states in abiding by regional norms. The General Border Committee meeting on August 7 must not become a post-mortem for another failed peace. It must be the forum where both parties are held accountable for any escalation and are pressed — firmly and publicly — to recommit to the ceasefire under international scrutiny. For now, the world watches anxiously. The ceasefire still stands — barely. But unless cooler heads prevail and immediate de-escalation measures are adopted, the region risks sliding once more into a conflict that no one — least of all the civilians caught in the crosshairs—can afford. * Phar Kim Beng PhD is Professor of Asean Studies, International Islamic University of Malaysia and Director of Institute of Internationalisation and Asean Studies (IINTAS). ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
Malay Mail
15 hours ago
- Malay Mail
Trump's visit to the East Asia Summit must anchor a new strategic stability with Asean — Phar Kim Beng
AUGUST 3 — President Donald Trump's expected appearance at the East Asia Summit (EAS) should not be misread as a mere diplomatic formality or ceremonial visit. It should be welcomed for what it could become: a turning point in US-Asean relations that restores a degree of strategic stability between Washington, Beijing, and the eleven member states of Asean. At a time when the region stands delicately between escalating rivalry and renewed economic convergence, Trump's personal participation — after years of inconsistent US attendance at high-level Asean meetings — signals a potential inflection. This year's summit carries additional weight. It coincides with Asean's historic expansion to include Timor-Leste, the first new member in over two decades. The inclusion of Timor-Leste symbolizes Asean's enduring appeal and the bloc's ability to renew itself from within. It also strengthens Asean's moral and geopolitical identity as a community committed to democratic values, regional inclusivity, and strategic neutrality. The United States should view this enlargement as an opening to further anchor its presence — economically, diplomatically, and institutionally — in a wider South-east Asia that now stretches from the Mekong to the eastern edge of the archipelagic Pacific. Contrary to the binary framing of US-China competition, the East Asia Summit represents a rare multilateral setting where both great powers meet under Asean's chairmanship and agenda-setting authority. This alone is a feature — not a flaw — of Asean centrality. If President Trump recognizes the value of this platform, and builds upon it, the EAS could serve as a channel for managed competition and economic complementarity rather than open hostility. More significantly, Trump's visit coincides with an encouraging trend: the reduction of tariffs between the US and several Asean member states, effective August 1. Malaysia, for instance, now benefits from a lowered tariff of 19 per cent on select categories of exports. While these cuts are modest in scope, they offer a vital foundation upon which the US can pivot from protectionist reflexes toward strategic economic engagement. If extended across multiple sectors and scaled throughout South-east Asia, these adjustments can recalibrate America's economic presence in the region — especially when paired with Asean's long-term focus on industrial upgrading and regional integration. This moment must be seized. Asean is no longer merely a low-cost assembly zone. It is home to ambitious national frameworks such as Malaysia's National Semiconductor Strategy (NSS), Indonesia's downstream resource policies and Vietnam's digital economy transformation. All of which can sour the Asean Digital Economic Framework (DEFA) too. These initiatives aim to lift Asean into the higher rungs of global value chains. The United States — long seeking to reduce overdependence on China — can find in Asean the next frontier of secure, rules-based economic partnerships. But any trade recalibration must be anchored by political assurance. The US-Asean Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, elevated in recent years, still requires substantive backing. This is where President Trump's engagement becomes pivotal. He must not only reassure the region of America's long-term presence but also avoid zero-sum demands that force Asean into hard alignments. Asean's strategic doctrine is one of balance, not bandwagoning. Its preference is for multipolar cooperation, not bipolar confrontation. President Donald Trump's expected appearance at the East Asia Summit (EAS) should not be misread as a mere diplomatic formality or ceremonial visit. — AFP pic In this context, Trump would do well to understand the nuanced achievements of the recent Asean-GCC Summit, further expanded with China's participation in the Asean-GCC-China Summit. These gatherings were more than diplomatic rituals; they were civilisational overtures and dynamic dialogues too. They reflected Asean's growing ambition to serve as a connector — not just of markets, but of worldviews. Malaysia's leadership of Asean in 2025 has affirmed this ethos, with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim offering a values-based diplomacy that draws on dialogue and defensive diplomacy. Trump's visit should reinforce, not disrupt, this strategic arc. It is not enough to deploy aircraft carriers or frame South-east Asia through a military lens. The region requires a US presence that is economically enabling, diplomatically respectful, and civilisationally attuned. Tariff reductions are a step in the right direction. A comprehensive US-Asean trade framework would be a leap forward. Beyond trade, Washington must also recognise Asean's role in conflict management and peace-making. Malaysia's recent mediation in the Cambodia-Thailand border crisis is a case in point. Asean's diplomatic bandwidth is growing, and the US can support — not override — this capacity by funding Track II dialogues, technology transfer in humanitarian response, and confidence-building among rival claimants in the East and South China Sea. In conclusion, President Trump's presence at the East Asia Summit must be more than symbolic. It must be strategic. His administration should embrace the summit as a platform to reset economic ties, stabilize regional diplomacy, and affirm Asean's agency. The future of East Asia will not be shaped by bilateral muscle-flexing alone, but by the kind of multilateral sensibility that the EAS — anchored by Asean — has nurtured for nearly two decades. If the US is serious about restoring its relevance in South-east Asia, then the EAS must be the starting point; although a swifter concern with the starvation of Gaza. This issue is no less critical as more and more member states of European Union has recognised Palestine as a separate state. In order to justifiably pressure Israel into allowing more humanitarian aid to go into the war-stricken death zone. At any rate, tariff diplomacy, coupled with high-level trust-building, must form the substance of America's return to East Asia if all things fail to make any progress. *Phar Kim Beng PhD is Professor of Asean Studies, International Islamic University of Malaysia and Director of Institute of Internationalisation and Asean Studies (IINTAS). **This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
The Star
21 hours ago
- The Star
Thailand's political index drops to 3.86 amid border tensions, floods
A soldier consoles Kimdaeng Krajangthong (L) and Tin Krajangthong (2nd L), the parents of Royal Thai Army soldier Theerayuth Krajangthong, 22, who died in clashes between Thailand and Cambodia in Sisaket province, during funeral rites at a Buddhist temple in the Thai border province of Buriram on July 30, 2025. he recent survey found that one of the top government achievements was providing support to people along the Thai-Cambodian border. - AFP BANGKOK: Thailand's political index dropped to 3.86 in July, reflecting growing public concerns over a range of issues, including tensions along the Thai-Cambodian border and flooding in the North, Suan Dusit Poll reported on Sunday (Aug 3). The poll, conducted by Suan Dusit University, revealed that the index — based on 25 indicators — had declined from 4.13 in June, with almost all indicators showing a decrease. The survey was conducted among 2,171 respondents between 26 and 31 July. The results showed that only one indicator — the government's disclosure of public information — had improved, rising from 4.11 in June to 4.20 in July. Two indicators remained unchanged from the previous month: Overall performance of political parties: 4.20 Overall social situation: 4.08 The top five indicators were: Opposition performance: 4.36 (down from 5.15 in June) People's rights and liberties: 4.34 (4.58 in June) Public education development: 4.33 (4.45 in June) People's inclusion: 4.31 (4.38 in June) Overall performance of political parties: 4.20 (unchanged) Asst Prof Kanyakarn Sathiensukhon of Suan Dusit Poll said several incidents in June had affected public sentiment, including reports of sex scandals involving senior Buddhist monks, the Thai-US trade negotiations, an audio clip of a conversation between Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and Cambodian Senate president Hun Sen, Thai-Cambodian border clashes, and flooding in the North. She noted that the indicator measuring the prime minister's performance fell from 3.97 in June to 3.43 in July — the lowest score so far this year — reflecting growing dissatisfaction with both the government's performance and its communication with the public. The survey found the top three government achievements were: 42.21%: Sending explanations to the United States regarding border conflicts 40.51%: Providing support to people along the Thai-Cambodian border 17.28%: Implementing the 20-baht flat fare policy for electric railways The top three performing government politicians were: 44.05%: Varawut Silpa-archa, Minister of Social Development and Human Security 29.85%: Phumtham Wechayachai, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior 26.10%: Paetongtarn Shinawatra, Prime Minister - The Nation/ANN
