'The trust is gone': Ontario business and labour look for new partners as U.S. trade war continues
That's according to groups representing businesses and workers across the province, who say one of the most profound impacts of the U.S. president's scatter-shot approach has been to undermine decades of trust built between the two countries.
The uncertainty has meant businesses across the province are now planning with an eye to Trump's mercurial behaviour, said Ontario Chamber of Commerce CEO Daniel Tisch.
"The White House has shown itself to be unreliable, untrustworthy and uncoordinated," he said. "I think the worry is that even if we do get to a deal … there's no guarantee that later in his term, the president won't turn on us again."
Trump has long been a proponent of tariffs as a way to raise revenue for the United States and re-shore manufacturing jobs. Since taking office in January he has threatened to impose 25 per cent tariffs on most Canadian goods, a move critics argue will dramatically increase prices for American consumers while hurting businesses on both sides of the border.
Trump also pushed ahead with some tariffs earlier this week, including sweeping 25 per cent charges on steel and aluminum.
WATCH | Trump says he won't bend on tariffs:
Trump threats and backtracks sow seeds of doubt
Tisch said Trump's threats and subsequent backtracks on many of the tariffs have sowed seeds of doubt within many Canadian businesses. They're holding off investments, finding new trading partners outside of America and laying off workers.
"You're already seeing Canadian businesses look for new partners in Europe, in Asia and Latin America, where we have trade agreements and we have countries that actually value the alliances with us," he said,
Tisch said the U.S. will remain Canada's largest trading partner, so stability must be achieved by renegotiating the U.S.-Mexico-Canada free trade agreement.
"But at the same time, we need to ensure that we're never this vulnerable again, and that means diversifying trading relationships with other markets and building new alliances," he said.
Canadian ice cream company, Chapman's, told CBC News Networks earlier this week that it has already broken ties with some long-time U.S. suppliers because of rising costs.
"It's unfortunate, some of these companies we've been doing business with for over 30 years, and if anything, we're incredibly loyal to these suppliers," Ashley Chapman, the company's chief operating officer, said in an interview with CBC's Heather Hiscox.
"It's devastating for both sides of the border."
Canada has to do things differently, Unifor pres says
Unifor National President Lana Payne said she thinks one of the early casualties of Trump's trade war has been a long-standing good relationship between the U.S. and Canada.
"I think we've all come to the understanding that even if we do work out a trade agreement, the trust is gone," Payne said. "Canada has to do things differently. It's a giant wake up call."
Payne said the federal and provincial governments must roll out promised programs to help businesses transition to new trade arrangements with other countries and spend billions on national infrastructure projects, giving that work only to Canadian firms.
"We know that our cities need transit," she said. "We can build that transit right here in Canada. We can get on with doing a lot of this right now."Manufacturers feeling 'exhaustion and frustration'
Dennis Darby, CEO of Canadian Manufacturers and Exporters, said members of that organization are feeling "exhaustion and frustration" with the situation, and the historic trade agreements have been working for businesses across North America.
"This is someone trying to solve a problem that doesn't exist," he said of Trump.
Darby said the uncertainty introduced by the Trump tariffs means the country will need to do more to not only tear down interprovincial trade barriers to help manufacturers, but must build a more extensive transportation network from coast-to-coast to make trade in Canada easier.
"The vast majority of those transportation networks go north-south," he said. "We have to start thinking about how to go east-west again."
But Darby said it has taken decades to build the current trade relationships and integrated production system between Canada and the U.S., and efforts to move away from it will take decades more.
The Canadian Federation of Independent Business said its members have tried to stockpile non-perishable inventory to avoid the tariffs, but that isn't always an option. Others are looking for new suppliers or customers in international markets which will take months or years.
"I think many are still struggling a little bit to understand what their options are," said Corinne Pohlmann, CFIB's executive vice president for advocacy.
The CFIB wants to see the money raised by retaliatory tariffs directed back to businesses in the form of tax cuts or breaks to help reduce costs. The federation is oncerned that another round of business loans similar to those used during the pandemic will just heap more costs on businesses down the road, Pohlmann said.
"Many businesses are still carrying COVID debt and are not as keen to take on more," she said. "So, what can we help them with today that will get them through this hump and help them transition to other markets?"
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


USA Today
a minute ago
- USA Today
Trump says he 'absolutely loves' that CBS canceled Stephen Colbert's 'Late Show'
Colbert announced the cancelation of the iconic program, which comedian David Letterman also hosted for two decades, before his July 17 studio audience at New York City's Ed Sullivan Theater. WASHINGTON ― President Donald Trump cheered the cancelation of "The Late Show With Stephen Colbert," one day after the comedian and frequent Trump critic announced CBS would be ending his show. "I absolutely love that Colbert' got fired. His talent was even less than his ratings," Trump said in a July 18 Truth Social post, before also ripping ABC's Jimmy Kimmel, another late-night host known to skewer Trump. "I hear Jimmy Kimmel is next. Has even less talent than Colbert." Trump added that conservative Fox News personality and comedian Greg Gutfield ‒ host of Gutfeld! and co-host of The Five ‒ "is better than all of them combined, including the Moron on NBC who ruined the once great Tonight Show." Trump previously worked for NBC during his days as the star on "The Apprentice." More: 'Late Show with Stephen Colbert' to end next May: 'This is all just going away' Colbert, 61, announced the cancelation of the iconic show, which comedian David Letterman hosted for two decades prior to Colbert, before its studio audience on July 17 at New York City's Ed Sullivan Theater. 'Late Show' will continue for one more season and end in May 2026. "It's not just the end of our show, it's the end of the 'Late Show' on CBS," said Colbert, who has hosted the show since 2015, adding that, "I'm not being replaced. This is all just going away." The move comes after Paramount Global, CBS's parent company, agreed on July 1 to a controversial $16 million settlement with Trump over a defamation lawsuit tied to a "60 Minutes" interview with 2024 Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris. Democrats and Colbert fans speculated whether politics could have played a role in the network's decision given the comedian's history of targeting Trump. "Just finished taping with Stephen Colbert who announced his show was cancelled," U.S. Sen. Adam Schiff, D-California, said in a post on X. "If Paramount and CBS ended the Late Show for political reasons, the public deserves to know. And deserves better. More: Jimmy Kimmel irate over Colbert cancellation, criticizes CBS ending 'Late Show' The traditional late-night shows on the three big networks have faced increasing challenges for viewers amid the rapid rise of streaming options. More: From Joe Rogan to Greg Gutfeld, conservative comedy's influence grows Paramount in a statement called the move "purely a financial decision against a challenging backdrop in late night. It is not related in any way to the show's performance, content, or other matters happening at Paramount." "We consider Stephen Colbert irreplaceable and will retire 'The Late Show' franchise at that time," the statement said. "We are proud that Stephen called CBS home." Contributing: Bryan Alexander of USA TODAY Reach Joey Garrison on X @joeygarrison.

Los Angeles Times
a minute ago
- Los Angeles Times
Democrats are spiraling into irrelevance. Good riddance
It has been painfully obvious, ever since the presidential election last November, that the Democratic Party's brand is in tatters. This week, a Quinnipiac University poll revealed that congressional Democrats have a minuscule 19% approval rating — an all-time low in the history of that particular poll. Earlier in the week, a Harvard CAPS/Harris poll similarly found that the party as a whole has an approval rating of 40% — considerably lower than the Republican Party's 48% approval rating found by the same poll. Nor can Democrats necessarily rely on any GOP infighting to redound, in seesaw-like fashion, to their own benefit; for all the sturm und drang generated by the 'Epstein files' affair, President Trump's approval ratings have actually increased among Republicans this month. The issue for Democrats is that their current unpopularity is not a byproduct of the political scandals of the day or the vicissitudes of Trump's polarizing social media feeds. Rather, the problem for Democrats is structural — and it requires a rethink and a reboot from soup to nuts. As this column argued last November, it is clear that Barack Obama's winning 2008 political coalition — comprising racial and ethnic minorities, young people and highly educated white voters — has completely withered. 'Obamaism' is dead — and Democrats have to reconcile themselves to that demise. At minimum, they should stop taking advice from Obama himself; the 44th president was Kamala Harris' top 2024 campaign trail surrogate, and we saw how that worked out. In order for the party to rise up anew, as has often happened throughout American history following a period of dominance from a partisan rival, Democrats are going to have to move beyond their intersectional obsessions and woke grievances that have so greatly alienated large swaths of the American people on issues pertaining to race, gender, immigration, and crime and public safety. And the good news, for conservative Americans who candidly wish the Democratic Party nothing but the worst, is that Democrats seem completely incapable of doing this. Zohran Mamdani, the 33-year-old recent winner of New York City's much-discussed Democratic mayoral primary, is a case in point. The Ugandan-born Shiite Muslim Mamdani is a democratic socialist, but he is better understood as a full-fledged communist. That isn't hyperbole: One merely needs to consider his proposed policies for New York City and review his broader history of extreme far-left political rhetoric. Mamdani won the primary, and is now seeking the mayor's office, on a genuinely radical platform: support for citywide 'free' bus rides, city-owned grocery stores, a full rent freeze on certain low-income units, outright seizure of private property from arbitrarily 'bad' landlords, race-based taxation (an assuredly unconstitutional proposal), a $30 minimum wage and more. A true Marxist, Mamdani has said 'abolition of private property' would be an improvement over existing inequality. And he has something of a penchant for quoting Marx's 'Communist Manifesto' too. But Mamdani's communism is only part of his overall political persona. He also emphasizes, and trades in, exactly the sort of woke culture warring and intersectional identity politics that have defined the post-Obama Democratic Party. Mamdani is a long-standing harsh critic of Israel who had declined to distance himself from the antisemitic rallying cry 'globalize the intifada.' Most recently, he also opposed Trump's decision to have the U.S. intervene in last month's Israel-Iran war, condemning it as a 'new, dark chapter' that could 'plunge the world deeper into chaos.' (In the real world, there were zero American casualties, and the bombing run was followed promptly by a ceasefire.) There is, to be sure, nothing good down this road for denizens of New York City. If Mamdani wins this fall, expect a massive exodus of people, businesses and capital from the Big Apple — probably to the Sun Belt. But even more relevant: There is nothing good down that road for the national Democratic Party, as a whole. In order to demonstrate that the party has learned anything from its 2024 shellacking and its current abysmal standing, it will have to sound and act less crazy on the tangible issues that affect Americans' day-to-day lives. That isn't happening. If Mamdani's rise is representative — and it may well be, especially as other far-left firebrands like Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) continue to make outsize noise — then Democrats seem to be moving in the exact opposite direction: full-on Marxism and woke craziness. If the party continues down this path, it will experience nothing but mid- to long-term political pain. But as one of the aforementioned conservatives who wishes the Democratic Party nothing but the worst, I'm not too upset about that. Josh Hammer's latest book is 'Israel and Civilization: The Fate of the Jewish Nation and the Destiny of the West.' This article was produced in collaboration with Creators Syndicate. @josh_hammer


The Hill
a minute ago
- The Hill
As Congo moves toward peace, US aid vanishes
After decades of brutal conflict, I was encouraged by President Trump's recent announcement of a new peace agreement in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Joined in the Oval Office by the foreign ministers of Rwanda and Congo, he outlined a plan to end a war that had killed 7,000 people in just the first two months of this year, with hundreds of thousands more displaced. It was a welcome surprise — and a necessary start. I have seen the cost of this conflict up close. In 2016, I boarded a United Nations helicopter headed to a rural village along the Rwanda-Congo border. The only thing standing between the villagers and a looming militia attack was a ring of U.N. peacekeepers. As we prepared to depart, a woman approached and begged me to take her with us. She was terrified that the peacekeepers would leave. That moment has never left me. Today, the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Congo is still the only line of defense for thousands of civilians caught in the crossfire. With more than 13,500 total personnel on the ground, the mission is being pushed to the brink as the Rwandan-backed M23 rebel movement sweeps across eastern Congo, seizing major cities like Goma. But between the combatants and the civilians, U.N. peacekeepers remain in place, still doing their job. That job just got harder — and more important. The peace agreement announced in Washington sets a 30-day deadline for a regional security framework and a 90-day deadline for economic integration. In theory, the Congolese government will demobilize the Rwandan-aligned Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda militia, while Rwandan troops withdraw from Congolese territory. But diplomacy is only one piece of the puzzle. That's where the U.N. peacekeeping mission comes in. Peace on paper means little without implementation. The U.N.'s top diplomat in the region, Bintou Keita of Guinea, is well positioned to pressure all sides to follow through. And the peacekeeping mission — with its deep local presence and relationships — will be critical to brokering trust, verifying compliance and responding quickly to any resurgence of violence. In fact, it already is. In June, the U.N. helped facilitate a cease-fire in Ituri Province, signed by six armed groups — a quiet but meaningful victory. This was an important step in quelling violence from other rebel factions operating in eastern Congo, including the Ugandan Allied Democratic Force, with ties to both regional and international Islamic terrorist networks. Still, critics have long called for the U.N. peacekeeping mission's closure. At nearly $1 billion annually, it is one of the U.N.'s most expensive missions. Its mandate is sprawling. The Congolese government has also called for a drawdown of forces. That process is already underway, with South Kivu formally returning to Congolese control in April 2024. But a joint U.N.-Congolese review last fall showed that key security benchmarks remain unmet. Military units lack readiness. Courts are understaffed. Demobilization efforts are lagging. Pulling funding now would be like taking the parachute off a skydiver mid-descent. Yet that's exactly what's happening. On Capitol Hill, lawmakers passed a White House rescissions package that slashed funds for U.N peacekeeping, including efforts in the Congo. The cuts bypassed the normal appropriations process, raising alarm on both sides of the aisle. Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.) called it 'an illegal end-run around Congress.' Others warned it sets a dangerous precedent — gutting foreign policy programs without legislative oversight. The strategic stakes are enormous. China has steadily increased its funding and troop contributions to U.N. peacekeeping, positioning itself as a global security stakeholder. If the U.S. walks away from missions like the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Congo — especially in a resource-rich region where rare earth minerals are shaping the geopolitics of the future — it risks ceding both influence and credibility. Moreover, withdrawing now would all but guarantee a wider humanitarian disaster as refugees flood into Congo's nine bordering nations. Armed factions, as history shows, are rarely far behind — exporting conflict across Central Africa. Peacekeeping isn't just about boots on the ground. It is about presence. In remote villages and war-torn cities, blue helmets are often the only sign that the international community is still watching — that someone will step in when the government cannot, when the militias return and when peace starts to fray. Earlier this year, Office of Management and Budget officials defended rescissions as a cost-saving measure. But what's the cost of failure in Congo? What's the cost of walking away from a peace process the U.S. helped broker? The woman at the border that day didn't know the name of the mission. She didn't care about budgets or congressional procedures. She just knew that those in blue offered safety. Peacekeeping isn't charity, it's strategy. It offers unparalleled legitimacy, shares the burden with allies and costs far less than war. And at $1.50 per American per year, it remains one of the most cost-effective investments in global stability the U.S. can make. The president is understandably proud of the peace agreement the U.S. brokered. Support of U.N. peacekeeping is one way to help it succeed.