What is the Iranian perspective at this stage? It's complicated
(NewsNation) — Two panelists — Iranian American journalist Negar Mortazavi and Aaron David Miller, a former Middle East peace negotiator — join 'CUOMO' to try to assess the future of Iran, a country with more than 90 million people, now that it's in conflict with Israel. They say the dynamics are too complicated to make predictions, but Miller offers this grim assessment: 'I don't think this is going to have a happy ending. Iran's going to play the long game.'
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Boston Globe
37 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
With Zohran Mamdani's win in New York, voters spoke. Is the Democratic establishment listening?
Advertisement Even Senator Kirsten Gillibrand of New York, who pushed for Cuomo's resignation in 2021 after a state investigation concluded that he Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up A majority of voters rejected Cuomo in a primary with a larger than usual turnout on a day that was Advertisement Mamdani's victory — and, to be clear, he still needs to win the November election to become New York's next mayor — shows that Democratic voters are tired of the same old faces in the same old places. They want to vote for, and not just against, someone, and that's what Mamdani represents across a spectrum of voters and communities. His win recalls 2018, when Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, also a democratic socialist, defeated Joe Crowley, a 10-term New York incumbent, to become, at 29, the youngest woman ever elected to Congress. Later that year, Ayanna Pressley, the first Black woman elected to the Boston City Council, was also elected to Congress, besting Michael Capuano, who had represented the Massachusetts 7th Congressional District since 1999. Pressley, who trailed Capuano in the polls right up to the election but That could be what voters want from Mamdani — a different kind of leader who is relatable, engaging, and dynamic. He spoke with people, not to them. And he presented economic policies like rent freezes and free buses that ordinary New Yorkers — not billionaires — could embrace and understand. Meanwhile, Cuomo borrowed the GOP's politics of fear and tried to scare everyone to death. He Advertisement The former governor's dismissive tone had the tinny echo of Maybe voters didn't want a political nepo baby running on familiarity and name recognition. Maybe they rejected a man who left his previous job in disgrace over credible sexual harassment accusations. Or perhaps people needed the light and hope Mamdani offers in these difficult times instead of Cuomo's doom and darkness. In a CNN interview, Democrat Senator Chris Murphy of Connecticut said, 'I know that this feels like a shock to a lot of folks but it doesn't seem like rocket science. [Mamdani is] focused on reordering economic power, he's dynamic, and he's a new voice. Check, check, check.' Democrats don't need a wildly popular podcaster, someone who could be their liberal Joe Rogan, to win again. They need candidates who generate passion and stand fast for the values of equity and justice that the Democratic establishment espouses but abandons when elections don't go their way. Related : Mamdani's road to Gracie Mansion — the New York mayor's residence — won't be easy. Cuomo appears likely to run an independent campaign, which is what Eric Adams, the problematic President Trump-appeasing incumbent, already has done. Mamdani will continue to face baseless accusations of antisemitism as well as hostility from bellicose billionaires like Advertisement So far, there's been more noise from Mamdani's detractors than from the leaders of the party he belongs to. They should recognize and replicate how he has connected, especially with young voters. In his Renée Graham is a Globe columnist. She can be reached at
Yahoo
8 hours ago
- Yahoo
Schumer to force reading of 1,000-page GOP mega bill, delaying it by half a day
Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer (N.Y.) told Democratic senators Saturday that he will force the clerks to read the 1,000-page Republican megabill on the Senate floor once Republicans vote to proceed to the legislation, a procedural act of defiance that will take an estimated 12 hours and delay final passage of President Trump's agenda by half a day — at least. Schumer told his caucus to prepare to force a full reading of the bill, according to a Democratic source familiar with the internal discussion over floor strategy. The question is whether Senate GOP leaders will force the clerks to read the bill late into Saturday night and early Sunday morning to complete the time-and energy-consuming task or whether staff will get some time to sleep before the Senate is expected to launch into a multi-hour series of votes known as a vote-a-rama. Senate Republicans were anticipating that Schumer might force a reading of the bill as an act of protest. Schumer's action comes as Senate Republicans are hustling to pass President Trump's massive tax and spending bill by the president's assigned July 4 deadline. GOP leaders were initially planning for an initial procedural vote Saturday afternoon, followed by up to 20 hours of debate and then an unlimited series of amendment votes known as a vote-a-rama. With Schumer's push, the expected timeframe for the 'vote-a-rama' has been pushed back. It remains unclear if Republicans have the votes to advance the Senate's version of the spending bill. Senate Republicans can only afford to lose three votes, and three lawmakers — GOP Sens. Rand Paul (Ky.), Ron Johnson (Wis.) and Thom Tillis (N.C.) — say they will vote 'no.' Updated at 6 p.m. EDT. Sarah Polus and Regina Zilbermints contributed to this report. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Boston Globe
12 hours ago
- Boston Globe
Who is to blame for Andrew Cuomo's loss in New York City? It may be Andrew Cuomo himself.
He made no further public appearances that day last month, even with primary day weeks away. Cuomo, who dominated New York for a decade as governor, entered the crowded field of Democrats back in March with the force of a steamroller and a commanding lead in the polls. He wore down the Democratic establishment until it lined up behind him, strong-armed unions and seeded a record-shattering super political action committee that would eventually spend $25 million. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up But even some of his allies said that up close, the campaign sometimes looked more like a listing ship, steered by an aging candidate who never really seemed to want to be there and showed little interest in reacquainting himself with the city he hoped to lead. Advertisement New Yorkers took note. And on Tuesday, a campaign that Cuomo, 67, had hoped would deliver retribution four years after his humiliating resignation as governor ended in another thumping rebuke instead. Voters preferred Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old state lawmaker whom Cuomo dismissed as woefully unqualified, by a comfortable margin. Advertisement Mamdani, a democratic socialist whose relentless focus on affordability and infectious campaign presence electrified younger voters especially, certainly deserves a great deal of credit for his victory. But a dozen allies and even some of Cuomo's own campaign advisers agreed in interviews that if he was looking to assess blame for a loss that could end his political career, he needed to look at himself. 'It was a creaky 1970s political machine versus a generational talent,' said Howard Glaser, a former Cuomo lieutenant who has since fallen out with Cuomo. 'He just couldn't see it.' 'He tried to force redemption on an unreceptive public,' Glaser added. The assessment now hangs over Cuomo as he deliberates whether to renew his campaign in the fall against Mamdani on a third-party ballot line. Some wealthy New Yorkers alarmed by Mamdani's left-wing views and others are urging Cuomo to keep running. But many of his allies said there would be no real point in carrying on if Cuomo treated the general election like the primary. People who worked on his campaign, who insisted on anonymity for fear of retribution, used words like 'entitled,' 'arrogant' and 'aloof' to describe the former governor's attitude. Another called the campaign 'astonishingly incompetent.' Mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani campaigned outside Rockfeller Center in New York, on June 4. SHURAN HUANG/NYT Cuomo and his spokesperson disputed that his campaign choices -- good, bad or otherwise -- would have changed the outcome. Spokesperson Rich Azzopardi said that the campaign met its turnout goals in key districts and voting groups, particularly among Black and older voters who had a yearslong connection with the former governor. The problem, he said, was that Mamdani 'ran a campaign that managed to expand the electorate in such a way that no turnout model or poll was able to capture, while the rest of the field collapsed.' Advertisement In an interview, Cuomo dismissed the complaints of allies or advisers who said he should have shown up more around the city. 'None of these things explain the election outcome,' he said. 'They are either untrue or petty incidents that are of no consequence.' The contrast on the campaign trail between Cuomo and all the other candidates was stark. Under the rationale of protecting his polling lead, Cuomo skipped candidate forums and dodged the press as his rivals threw themselves into the city's maw with dizzying schedules. The former governor, who was born in Queens but lived most of his adult life in Albany and Westchester County, traveled in his Charger with an advance team putting out a buffer to prevent unwanted encounters with New Yorkers. Cuomo hired a platoon of consultants, but still leaned heavily on his longtime confidante, Melissa DeRosa, who had never run a city race. Mamdani built an enthusiastic volunteer army to spread his message; Cuomo largely outsourced his get-out-the-vote operation to labor unions and $25-an-hour canvassers. And in the end, Cuomo's message to an electorate hungry for change boiled down to: trust me, I've done this before. Some allies said it all contributed to an unhelpful image. 'All of us have a blind spot,' said former Gov. David Paterson, who endorsed Cuomo. 'His blind spot is that he doesn't really connect particularly well with, just, people.' For a time, it seemed Cuomo's return to power was a certainty. He began plotting a path back almost as soon as he resigned in August 2021 after sexual harassment allegations. He spent tens of millions of dollars in taxpayer funds fighting to clear his name in court, as he hungrily waited for an opening for public office. Advertisement New York Mayor Eric Adams arrived at his campaign launch rally a City Hall in New York on Thursday. Yuki Iwamura/Associated Press It arrived when Mayor Eric Adams was indicted on federal corruption charges and then persuaded the Trump administration to drop them. Cuomo, a master backroom deal-maker, exploited the opening deftly, nudging the mayor out of the primary while convincing business leaders, labor bosses and other Democrats that they should back him -- if not out of excitement than out of a sense of inevitability. 'I feel like people misunderstood my $250,000 for Cuomo for real enthusiasm,' said Mark Gorton, an investor who gave $250,000 to a pro-Cuomo super PAC. 'It was basically, 'Oh, looks like Cuomo is coming back. We don't want to be shut out. Let's try and get on his good side.'' At the time, polls showed Mamdani in second place, trailing by 20 points or more. Cuomo's allies openly pined for a two-man showdown. They figured Mamdani's socialist views and harsh criticism of Israel would act as a ceiling on his support. It turned out to be a fundamental miscalculation. In a race where a large majority of voters said the city was headed in the wrong direction and where many Democrats were looking for a change, Cuomo struggled. Cuomo launched his campaign with a 17-minute video, lecturing New Yorkers on how and why the city was spiraling to dark places. Mamdani's videos showed him spiraling across the city, riding the subways, embracing working New Yorkers and running into the icy waters off Coney Island to dramatize his call to freeze rents. Advertisement Stuart Appelbaum, the head of the retail workers union that formally endorsed Cuomo at the minimum wage rally, credited Mamdani for running a campaign about the future. 'Cuomo's campaign reflected the reality of New York from decades ago,' he said. Cuomo had another real problem. The same polls that showed him leading showed that he was also widely disliked by a large swath of Democratic primary voters who were put off by his moderate policies, domineering style or past scandals. By all appearances, Cuomo made little effort to reach them. Though it has been just four years since he resigned after 11 women accused him of sexual harassment, he offered no real contrition. He was not sorry, he said, because he had done nothing wrong. When he did venture to share a regret, he said he wished most that he had never resigned at all. Some of the governor's supporters and some of his own advisers had concerns about his low-key campaigning in real time, and pushed him to take up a more active public schedule. But Cuomo rarely strayed from his comfort zone in the pulpits of Black churches or at senior centers. Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn, the head of the Brooklyn Democratic Party, said she pleaded with the campaign to have Cuomo visit a mosque to build ties to Muslim New Yorkers. 'That was a very big thing,' she said. " They told me he was scheduled to go to the mosque, and then I found out he didn't. I was not too happy." Last Sunday, on the last day of early voting, Cuomo did show up at the Christian Cultural Center, a Black Brooklyn megachurch. But the Rev. A.R. Bernard, its pastor, said that after the former governor spoke 'brilliantly' for five minutes, he left rather than mingling with congregants. Advertisement 'He was not on the streets, where the people are,' he said. 'Maybe we have to be careful when we assume that we've got enough reputation, history and gravitas to float through an election like this.' Paterson described a different problem. 'Once I endorsed him, some of his campaign workers called me like I was an employee of his,' he said, demanding he show up in the spin-room of the final debate to promote Cuomo even though the candidate would not be there himself. 'I said, 'this is not my role,'' Paterson said. ''Thank you. Good night.'' This article originally appeared in
