Civil society leaves UN development summit feeling unheard
Their main complaint was a lack of access, with accusations ranging from difficulties obtaining accreditations to exclusion from key negotiations, prompting CSO delegates to hold a protest at the conference's venue on its final day.
"We've witnessed an unprecedented wave of restrictions and lack of attention to the voice of civil society," Oyebisi Babatunde Oluseyi, executive director of the Nigeria Network of NGOs, told Reuters, adding a new mechanism was needed to insert their perspective into global decision-making.
UN deputy secretary-general Amina Mohammed acknowledged CSOs' grievances in Thursday's closing press briefing and said the UN would endeavour to "expand the space" for them.
"The UN was built to defend human rights — if it cedes to the global trend of shrinking civic space, it'll undermine its legitimacy," said Hernan Saenz of Oxfam International.
In a joint declaration on Sunday, the CSOs denounced the international financial system as unjust and called for its "complete overhaul".
Despite the pervasive discontent, all CSO representatives interviewed by Reuters said they ultimately believed in the UN system.
Hirotaka Koike, a board member at the Japan NGO Center for International Cooperation, said he did so because it was the only place where all countries were treated equally.
"Yes, there are bureaucracies. Yes, there are a lot of processes. But what else do we have?"
Reuters
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Mail & Guardian
7 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Mchunu denies disbanding political killings task team to shield politicians
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We will be reviewing the Provincial Commissioner's statements and consider appropriate action,' said Mchunu. He said 121 case dockets were removed from He said five dockets with arrest instructions remain archived in Pretoria. He also said Mchunu had tried to facilitate a meeting between himself and Sibiya to smooth the waters, but that he had no interest in dealing with 'a criminal', referring to Sibiya. In an interview with SABC, after Mkhwanazi made the allegations, Sibiya said the KZN top cop should stop 'threatening people'. Sibiya said that he would respond to the allegations after conferring with his legal team, as he wanted to 'be mature' and 'above the IQ level' of Mkhwanazi. 'I want to respond professionally…without emotion…I will respond to every allegation he has made. None of the allegations he has made are true.' He said Mkhwanazi should stop 'running after the minister and challenging his decisions. I don't know, maybe he should be the minister of police'. '[Mkhwanazi] must stop behaving like a warlord, he is a member of the police,' he said. Mkhwanazi also accused Mchunu of misleading Parliament about his relationship with an associate allegedly linked to organised crime, and specifically to tenderpreneur Vusumuzi 'Cat' Matlala who, despite facing criminal allegations, was awarded lucrative SAPS tenders. As reported by News24, Matlala and his companies were red-flagged by whistleblower Babita Deokaran for corruption linked to a police health services tender, just weeks before she was assassinated. Matlala was under investigation by the Hawks and Special Investigating Unit at the time. He was arrested in June on charges of attempted murder, conspiracy to commit murder, and money laundering, relating to an alleged hit on actress Tebogo Thobejane, which took place in 2023. Matlala's wife, Tsakani, was also arrested, but was granted bail. Mkhwanazi said on Sunday that the political killing task team's work in Gauteng, supporting the Organised Crime Investigation Unit, exposed a syndicate involving politicians, law enforcement, and judicial figures. He said a 2024 case involving the murder of Q-tech employee Armard Swart was found by the task team via ballistic analysis on seized firearms to be linked to high-profile crimes, and that this highlighted the team's effectiveness before its closure. Swart, an engineer, was shot multiple times while seated in his car outside his place of work. He was reportedly mistaken for another employee at the firm, which had uncovered corruption in a Transnet tender. Four men have been arrested for the murder of Swart and will go on trial in August. The fifth suspect, former Transnet employee Lucky Boitumelo Molefe, has been on the run since December 2024. Mkhwanazi alleged there was a plot to destabilise the South African Police Service by targeting National Commissioner Fannie Masemola and framing senior officers to prevent them from exposing crime and corruption. Between June and July, seven members of SAPS's embattled Crime Intelligence Division members were arrested, allegedly relating to the appointment of an unqualified civilian to a senior post. The seven are Lt-Gen Dumisani Khumalo (Divisional Commissioner), Maj-Gen Philani Lushaba (Chief Financial Officer), Maj-Gen Josias Lekalakala (Gauteng Crime Intelligence Head), Maj-Gen Nosipho Madondo (Head of Analysis Centre), Maj-Gen Zwelithini Gabela (Technology Services), Brig Dineo Mokwele (Technical Systems) and Brig Phindile Ncube (Head of Vetting). Several of those arrested are custodians of the Crime Intelligence Secret Services Account — a classified budget intended for covert operations and informant payments, best described as a loosely regulated slush fund because of 'national security' issues. Mkhwanazi implied that some of those who were arrested were being defamed in public and couldn't speak out because they understood the importance of national security. Those who had colluded to arrest them also knew the officers would not speak out, because they could then face charges for breaching national security protocols. Mkhwanazi said a criminal investigation had been launched into the allegations of infiltration and control of the criminal justice system by organised crime syndicates and that the task team remained operational despite attempts to disrupt its work to protect and serve citizens. Ian Cameron, the chairperson of the portfolio committee on police, said on X after Mkhwanazi's briefing that president Cyril Ramaphosa 'must take the lead in addressing these serious allegations involving senior SAPS management and the Minister of Police'. 'I have written to the Speaker of the National Assembly to request an urgent parliamentary debate on the disturbing allegations that emerged today regarding SAPS leadership. 'Serious claims made by KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Commissioner, General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, have exposed what appears to be deep dysfunction and alleged collusion within the senior ranks of the police. 'Parliament and the Presidency must ensure these claims are independently and thoroughly investigated to restore public trust and demonstrate accountability. 'South Africans deserve clear answers. Silence is not an option,' said Cameron.
IOL News
7 hours ago
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The anatomy of decline: Unemployment and South Africa's structural crisis
Ban Ki-moon, former UN Secretary-General, reminds us that 'addressing unemployment is not just an economic imperative, it is a moral and social one that defines the future of peace and progress Image: AFP In 1994, South Africa emerged from apartheid with global goodwill, democratic legitimacy and the promise of shared prosperity. Yet three decades later, that promise remains unfulfilled. With an overall unemployment rate of 31.9% and youth unemployment at 59.6% (Q4 2024, Stats SA), the country faces a structural crisis that is eroding its economic base and social cohesion. This is not an isolated issue but a national reckoning that follows a pattern common to both collapsing companies and declining states. Jim Collins, in How the Mighty Fall, outlines five stages of institutional decline: hubris, undisciplined growth, denial of risk, superficial solutions and eventual stagnation. These stages offer a sobering framework for understanding South Africa's current position. 'Denial is the most dangerous stage of decline,' Collins warns, 'because it blinds leaders to reality.' Stage 1: Hubris Born of Triumph Between 2000 and 2008, South Africa enjoyed average GDP growth of 3.5%, buoyed by favourable commodity cycles and post-apartheid optimism. The country asserted its geopolitical presence, joined BRICS and positioned itself as a regional hub. But early success bred complacency. Rather than address long-standing structural inequalities or invest in productive capacity, economic momentum gave way to inertia. The Gini coefficient remained high at 0.67 while labour market rigidities discouraged job creation. State-owned enterprises, particularly Eskom, were allowed to expand without accountability. By 2024, public bailouts for Eskom had surpassed R500 billion. Argentina's early 20th-century trajectory offers a striking parallel: a commodity-rich economy that ascended rapidly only to decline due to internal mismanagement and premature confidence in global status. South Africa's early economic positioning masked unresolved domestic vulnerabilities. While attention turned outward to summits and regional diplomacy, the foundations beneath were quietly eroding. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Stage 2: The Undisciplined Pursuit of More South Africa's expansion of redistributive programmes, especially through social grants and state employment schemes, was not matched by corresponding economic productivity. The social grant system, projected to cost R259.3 billion by 2026, has been essential for poverty relief but increasingly burdens fiscal sustainability. Meanwhile, core infrastructure suffered. Transnet's freight efficiency declined sharply and energy supply instability continued to constrain investment. The World Bank reports average GDP growth of just 0.7% between 2014 and 2024. Yet state-led expansion persisted, often detached from output and institutional readiness. This pursuit of scale without returns mirrors firms that chase growth for its own sake. Public employment expansion - while well intentioned - has in some cases reinforced dependency. The logic that more 'boots on the ground' equals delivery has led to overstaffing, rising wage costs and limited institutional agility. Government visibility has been confused with public value. Climate risks have compounded the challenge. Extended droughts have reduced employment in agriculture and mining, weakening resilience in rural provinces. Without adaptation strategies, the employment impacts of environmental shocks will only intensify. Stage 3: Denial of Risk and Erosion of Trust Despite mounting evidence of institutional and economic strain, reforms have lagged. The Zondo Commission exposed over R500 billion in procurement-related losses, yet implementation remains slow. Labour market mismatches have worsened, with 42% of jobless individuals now classified as discouraged workers - those who have ceased to seek employment entirely. Total Factor Productivity has declined for over 15 years according to the International Monetary Fund, yet public discourse often defaults to rebranding or extending existing models. Persistent mismatches between the education system and labour market needs further entrench youth unemployment. Over a million students are enrolled in post-secondary institutions annually, yet far fewer graduate with skills aligned to economic opportunity. Technical and vocational education remains underfunded despite strong global evidence of its employment in government has declined. According to the Edelman Trust Barometer, only 22% of South Africans express trust in government compared to 62% in business. Many young people are now cycling through training schemes with no connection to employment. For them, the crisis is not theoretical - it is lived daily through delayed adulthood and social alienation. Stage 4: Superficial Solutions and Fiscal Pressure Short-term relief measures have become the norm. The Social Relief of Distress Grant and other temporary interventions offer necessary support but are not substitutes for structural employment generation. Public debt now stands at over 74% of GDP, edging towards unsustainable territory. The 2024 Budget Review confirmsdebt service costs are rising faster than allocations to education and infrastructure. Some initiatives under Operation Vulindlela and the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan show intent but require stronger execution and sustained adds further pressure. McKinsey estimates that automation could displace one in four jobs in South Africa by 2030, especially among low-skilled workers. Without a reskilling strategy, digital transformation may reinforce unemployment rather than resolve it. The African Development Bank warns that the continent adds 10 million job seekers to the labour force annually but creates only 3 million jobs. Grants and temporary schemes cannot bridge this gap. They must be paired with pathways into the formal economy - particularly for youth, women and small private sector must also adapt. Hiring practices, investment in entry-level talent and support for smallenterprises are necessary components of a functioning labour market. Stage 5: Recovery or Regression? South Africa remains at a critical juncture. Continued economic stagnation if unaddressed could normalise exclusion and dampen democratic participation. But recovery is not out of reach. Post-crisis recoveries in South Korea and post-war Germany show what is possible when discipline, targeted investment and reform align. In South Africa, green shoots exist. TymeBank has expanded financial inclusion through low-cost digital banking. Harambee Youth Employment Accelerator has supported over a million workseekers using demand-driven matching. AfCFTA implementation offers a strategic lever. If logistics and regulatory reform accompany it, the agreement could boost Africa's income by $450 billion (R7.9 trillion) by 2035. For South Africa, increased participation in regional manufacturing and agri-processing could transform employment patterns - particularly in secondary cities andrural districts. The informal economy, where most African employment resides, cannot be ignored. It requires accessible microfinance, simplified registration and recognition as a legitimate growth engine. Development cannot occur if the majority of economic activity is treated as marginal. None of this is possible without confronting inefficiencies in how public funds are deployed. While social grants and public employment programmes are essential lifelines for vulnerable populations, they have not translated into economic inclusion. Expanding headcounts in state departments is sometimes used as a proxy forperformance, yet without addressing institutional inefficiencies, this risks reinforcing dependency. Employment must become the central metric of public accountability. Conclusion: The Stakes and the Path Forward Failing to address unemployment is not a challenge that can be deferred without consequence. Beyond economic metrics lie the very fabric of social stability, public trust and democratic legitimacy. South Africa's experience offers a warning to all emerging and developing economies: the cost of delay is measured not only in GDP but in fractured communities and lost futures. Ban Ki-moon, former UN Secretary-General, reminds us that 'addressing unemployment is not just an economic imperative, it is a moral and social one that defines the future of peace and progress.' South Africa is not alone. Across emerging economies, unemployment, fiscal strain and youth disillusionment are converging into systemic risk. The lessons embedded in this crisis - about political will, economic realism and institutional reform - are applicable far beyond one nation's borders. The foundations for recovery exist but require clear-eyed leadership and a willingness to prioritise structural reform over symbolic intervention. South Africa's story will be determined not by its past but by how decisivelyit addresses the challenges of today. Nomvula Zeldah Mabuza is a Risk Governance and Compliance Specialist with extensive experience in strategic risk and industrial operations. She holds a Diploma in Business Management (Accounting) from Brunel University, UK, and is an MBA candidate at Henley Business School, South Africa. Image: Supplied
TimesLIVE
8 hours ago
- TimesLIVE
Eight migrants deported from Djibouti to South Sudan: US Homeland Security
The fate of the migrants had become a flashpoint in the fight over the legality of the Trump administration's campaign to deter immigration through high-profile deportations to so-called "third countries" where migrants say they face safety concerns, which has already gone from lower courts to the Supreme Court twice. South Sudan has long been dangerous even for local residents. The US state department advises citizens not to travel there due to violent crime and armed conflict. The UN has said the African country's political crisis could reignite a brutal civil war that ended in 2018. The eight men — who according to their lawyers are from Cuba, Laos, Mexico, Myanmar, Sudan and Vietnam — had argued their deportations to South Sudan would violate the US constitution, which prohibits cruel and unusual punishment. They had been held in US custody in Djibouti since a federal judge in Boston in May blocked the Trump administration from immediately moving them to South Sudan over due process concerns. Following additional litigation, the Supreme Court on Thursday sided with the administration, lifting those limits. Two courts considered requests from the migrants' lawyers on an emergency basis on Friday, when courts are otherwise closed for the holiday, but ultimately US district judge Brian Murphy in Boston said the Supreme Court order required him to deny their bid, clearing the way for their deportation. The location of the men in South Sudan after their arrival was not immediately known.
