Pakistan's New Travel Policy For Shia Pilgrims Reveals A Deep Sectarian Fault Line

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6 days ago

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From January 1, 2026, Pakistani nationals undertaking pilgrimages to Shia sacred sites in Iran and Iraq will no longer be allowed to travel independently
In a move justified through bureaucratic reasoning but deeply rooted in longstanding sectarian inequalities, the Pakistani government has unveiled extensive new measures that will significantly affect the country's Shia community. On July 15, interior minister Mohsin Naqvi announced that, starting from January 1, 2026, Pakistani nationals undertaking pilgrimages to Shia sacred sites in Iran and Iraq will no longer be allowed to travel independently. Instead, such religious journeys must be conducted exclusively in closely monitored groups, overseen by government-certified operators known as Zaireen Group Organisers (ZGOs).
Presented as a necessary reaction to diplomatic concerns from Iran and Iraq regarding visa overstays and unauthorised activities, the newly announced policy has raised more concerns than clarity, drawing attention to the pronounced sectarian bias embedded within it. The government's rationale fails to hold under closer examination, particularly when contrasted with its tolerant approach to similar violations committed by Sunni pilgrims visiting Saudi Arabia. Consequently, this directive represents more than a mere procedural alteration—it conveys a veiled message to Pakistan's Shia population that they are not deemed trustworthy to travel independently.
The double standard is unmistakable. For example, in December 2024 alone, Saudi Arabia deported nearly 5,000 Pakistani citizens in just one month—primarily Sunni pilgrims who had overstayed their Umrah visas and were found begging. This issue is not limited to Saudi Arabia; other Gulf nations such as Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have also deported hundreds of Pakistanis for similar infractions. In fact, in April 2025, Saudi authorities imposed a temporary visa ban on 14 countries, including Pakistan, citing the need to curb unauthorised Hajj participation and widespread visa violations.
Despite these developments, the Pakistani government has not implemented any restrictions on individual Sunni pilgrimages to Mecca or Medina, nor has it introduced a system of regulated group travel for them. If the core concern truly lies in visa breaches and diplomatic pressures, it raises a pressing question: why has only one sect been subjected to such punitive regulation, particularly when Gulf monarchies have consistently expressed concerns about Pakistani nationals engaging in begging and other illicit activities?
The stance adopted by the Pakistani government reveals a clear sectarian inclination and forms part of a broader, long-standing pattern of discriminatory practices against the Shia minority, which constitutes an estimated 15-20 per cent of the national population. For decades, Pakistan's Shia citizens have faced state-backed marginalisation —ranging from explicit exclusion in key government positions to more covert institutional apathy that overlooks violence perpetrated by the Sunni majority, as notably seen in Parachinar within the Kurram district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. While many such forms of bias are subtle, others have been overt and violently repressive.
Viewed within the broader historical context, the newly introduced pilgrimage regulation is merely another addition to a persistent trend of policies that have implicitly, if not explicitly, relegated the Shia community to a subordinate status. This so-called 'administrative requirement" fails to withstand scrutiny when placed against the wider backdrop of the state's consistent alignment with Sunni orthodoxy.
For many Shia Muslims, visiting the sacred sites of Najaf and Karbala in Iraq, as well as Qom and Mashhad in Iran, represents more than merely a religious duty—it serves as a profound emotional, spiritual, and cultural connection. These pilgrimages, primarily undertaken during the Islamic months of Muharram (for Ashura) and Safar (for Arbaeen), are vital expressions of faith and identity within the Shia tradition.
Under the newly imposed regulations, such pilgrimages must now be conducted exclusively through state-approved organisers, many of whom impose prohibitively high charges and operate with little transparency. Independent travel options, which tend to be more affordable and allow for greater flexibility, will be rendered unlawful under this system. As a result, this policy effectively marginalises low-income Shia families and places additional constraints on their already restricted religious liberties.
The disparity is striking. Sunni pilgrims travelling to Saudi Arabia for Umrah continue to benefit from a largely unmonitored travel framework, despite persistent reports of visa overstays, unlawful employment, and even infractions such as widespread begging. The government's reaction has typically been to ignore these issues or, at most, issue mild advisories—without imposing any broad restrictions or invoking claims of 'administrative necessity".
Although it is accurate that the Iranian and Iraqi authorities have raised concerns about certain pilgrims, particularly during mass gatherings like Arbaeen, it is misleading to argue that the new restrictions are solely a response to these issues. If that were genuinely the case, the Pakistani government would have already put in place a regulatory policy addressing Umrah travel to Saudi Arabia—especially given Riyadh's repeated complaints regarding visa violations and begging by Pakistani citizens. Yet, instead of devising such a framework, Islamabad has consistently chosen to overlook these infractions committed by Sunni nationals deported from these Gulf states.
The sole discernible distinction appears to lie in sectarian affiliation. Pakistan's centres of power—particularly its military-intelligence apparatus and dominant Sunni religious institutions—have long influenced the definition of full citizenship. Consequently, this measure does not merely constitute a travel regulation; it symbolises what appears to be a litmus test for citizenship, wherein a Pakistani Shia is denied the right to undertake pilgrimages independently, while a Sunni remains free to do so. By implementing such exclusionary travel protocols, the state not only marginalises a segment of its population but also risks exacerbating sectarian divisions in a nation already burdened by deep polarisation, political suppression, and widespread instability.
Historically, Pakistan's constitution guaranteed equal rights to all citizens regardless of their faith or sect, although it has explicitly discriminated against the Ahmadiyya community—another oppressed group alongside Hindus, Shias, and Christians. Yet, for many within the Shia community, as with other religious minorities, that constitutional assurance has rarely translated into practice. The introduction of the new travel regulation serves as a stark reminder that in the Islamic Republic, religious liberty is not a universal entitlement but rather a tightly controlled and selectively granted privilege, managed and rationed by the state.
Although visa enforcement, like border control, is a legitimate responsibility of the state, its impartiality is compromised when its execution aligns with sectarian fault lines. At that point, it no longer remains a neutral administrative act but becomes a vehicle for discrimination. If Pakistan genuinely seeks to foster national unity, it must reject the selective application of the law and commit to governance grounded in fairness—applying rules uniformly across all communities without favour or prejudice. This approach should also support, rather than restrict, religious expression, regardless of sectarian identity. Crucially, it requires avoiding the misuse of bureaucratic mechanisms as tools of sectarian exclusion.
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Until such principles are upheld, the concept of 'equal citizenship" in Pakistan will continue to ring hollow—serving more as a bitter irony than a constitutional assurance. This is particularly evident for communities that are repeatedly compelled to demonstrate their loyalty, even in their most sacred journeys of faith.
The writer is an author and a columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views.
tags :
pakistan Shia sunni
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Location :
New Delhi, India, India
First Published:
July 22, 2025, 19:32 IST
News opinion Global Watch | Pakistan's New Travel Policy For Shia Pilgrims Reveals A Deep Sectarian Fault Line
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