Kerala slams Centre's move to permit offshore atomic minerals mining
Kerala's coastline, along with parts of Odisha and Tamil Nadu, is known for its rich deposits of beach sand minerals that contain thorium—crucial for India's nuclear energy ambitions. Rajeeve said the rules would disproportionately impact Kerala, home to public sector undertakings involved in beach sand mineral processing. 'This will jeopardise not just the operations of these PSUs but also the thousands employed by them,' he said.
Equally alarming, according to the state, is the environmental damage that deep-sea mining can cause. 'Offshore atomic minerals mining will severely disrupt fragile marine habitats, destroy fish stocks, and collapse food chains,' the minister warned. 'It will directly affect the livelihoods of lakhs of traditional fishers who depend on these waters.'
He accused the Centre of ignoring Kerala's repeated objections while moving forward with plans to permit exploration and mining in areas adjacent to the state's maritime boundaries. 'The sudden notification of these rules, without dialogue or transparency, is unacceptable,' he said.
Calling the move an 'injustice to coastal states,' Rajeeve demanded the complete withdrawal of the Offshore Areas Atomic Minerals Rules, 2025. 'The Centre must understand that this is not merely a matter of resource exploitation — it is a question of environmental protection, constitutional rights, and human survival,' he said.
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Indian Express
15 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Six years after Article 370 abrogation, where does J&K stand
It is now six years since the abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution and the reorganisation of the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories (UTs). The decision of August 5, 2019 was billed as the turning point that would usher in peace and development, and pave the way for the closer integration of the Kashmir Valley with the rest of India. Since then, political activity has resumed in J&K, including the formation of a new government which is now pushing for full statehood. But the Pahalgam terror attack has added a new dimension to the security question. Here's a look at how and where the needle has — or has not — moved on the ground over the past six years. Politics: Back to representation, but with curtailed powers The return of democratic representation was seen as a major milestone in the Centre's post-August 5 roadmap in J&K. But the political dynamics remain fraught with tensions and compromises. The National Conference (NC) leads a government with reduced powers. Just before the election, control over police and services was given to the Lieutenant Governor, limiting the authority of the elected dispensation. The Omar Abdullah Cabinet's first decision was a resolution for the restoration of statehood, after which the Chief Minister visited Delhi for meetings. The NC's cautiously worded resolution reaffirmed 'special status' and called for dialogue, while Mehbooba Mufti's PDP took a more aggressive line. The NC's dilemma lies in balancing its ideological commitment to Article 370 with the constraints of politics in a situation where it has limited powers. In an interview with The Indian Express, Omar conceded that the fight for Article 370 would not yield immediate results from those who 'took it away'. A senior Union government source said New Delhi views Omar as a 'pragmatic politician' who is capable of negotiating within the current structure. However, the CM's recent move to reinstate July 13 as Martyrs' Day in J&K, and his attempt to visit the graves of those killed in protests against Maharaja Hari Singh's rule as policemen jostled with him, show that the relationship between the Centre and the UT government are tenuous at best. Security: A mixed record marred by Pahalgam attack The Centre's strongest argument for the 2019 decisions was that it would curb terrorism. Six years on, the data do show a significant decline in violence. Only 28 terrorists have been killed in 2025 so far, down from 67 in 2024. Local recruitment has fallen drastically from 129 in 2019 to just 1 this year. In 2024, 28 civilians were killed; all 26 deaths reported this year have occurred in a single incident — the Pahalgam terror attack in April. Incidents of stone throwing, hartals, abductions, and the snatching of weapons are down to zero. The Jammu region, which saw cross-border incursions and frequent attacks on security forces over the past three years, now reports far fewer encounters. But the Pahalgam attack broke the narrative of normalcy, and exposed gaps in security preparedness, especially in the newly opened tourist zones. Officials concede that the security planning underestimated the risks that tourists faced. In response to the attacks, India launched Operation Sindoor, destroying terror targets deep inside Pakistan. Last month, security forces claimed to have killed all three Pakistani terrorists involved in the Pahalgam attack. Economy: Investments surge, but core challenges remain INVESTMENTS: The Centre launched a new industrial scheme in 2021 promising incentives to attract investments. Proposed investments in J&K now total Rs 1.63 lakh crore, of which more than Rs 50,000 crore is in various stages of operationalisation. Production has begun in 359 industrial units; another 1,424 units are in advanced stages of completion. The government says investment realisation in 2024-25 is 10 times more than the pre-2020 period. REVENUES: J&K has seen a sharp uptick in tax revenues: GST collection increased by 12%, excise by 39%, and overall non-tax revenues rose 25% between 2022 and 2024. The state's GDP doubled from Rs 1.17 lakh crore in 2015-16 to Rs 2.45 lakh crore in 2023-24, and hit Rs 2.63 lakh crore in 2024-25. POWER: Following power sector reforms, 5.74 lakh smart meters were installed by mid-2024, reducing transmission and distribution losses by 25%. By December 2026, J&K administration sources said, power generation is expected to double. The government has spent nearly Rs 10,000 crore on firming up transmission and distribution infrastructure. Yet, J&K remains energy-deficient, particularly in winter. Its 3,500 MW installed capacity drops to 600-650 MW in winter, forcing it to rely on central allocations. FINANCIAL HEALTH: J&K Bank went from a loss of Rs 1,139 crore in 2019-20 to a profit of Rs 1,700 crore in 2023-24. NPA levels have halved. However, the fiscal deficit remains high, the economy is heavily reliant on central grants (up to 70% of expenditure), and core sectors like agriculture and industry contribute far less than services. Tourism: Showcase now under shadow of security concerns In 2023, a record 2.11 crore tourists visited J&K, and tourism contributed 7% to the GDP. The tourism boom was seen as evidence of the post-Article 370 normalcy. The Pahalgam attack and subsequent security lockdown of 50 tourist spots were a severe blow. After 2019, 75 new destinations were opened. Homestays were encouraged, and nearly 2,000 were registered, especially in remote villages. But gaps in risk assessment and laxity in adherence to seasonal tourism guidelines created vulnerabilities, particularly in high-altitude regions with militant activity. Private investment in tourism remains sluggish despite incentives. Only five hotels have opted into the new industrial scheme. Projects like Radisson's 200-room hotel in Srinagar and JW Marriott's 150-room property in Pahalgam are exceptions. Officials cite limited availability of suitable land as a bottleneck. In response to the Pahalgam attack, the administration shut 50 destinations and initiated a comprehensive security review. Since then, 16 such destinations have been reopened for tourists. But adventure tourism may now be limited to areas with a significant presence of security forces. The Pahalgam incident is a sobering reminder that despite the downward trend in militancy, the threat has not disappeared. Even so, the government sees tourism as a vital economic lever and a tool for youth engagement.
Hindustan Times
2 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Juveniles, age of consent and justice: Explaining the wide conviction gap
An analysis of government data in the Supreme Court reveals a stark disparity between the number of juveniles and young adults charged under rape and child sexual abuse laws and the relatively small proportion who are eventually convicted, throwing sharp focus on the ongoing debate over the age of consent and its unintended consequences. According to the Union government's latest submission to the Supreme Court, between 2018 and 2022, only 468 juveniles aged 16-18 were convicted under Section 376 (rape) of the Indian Penal Code, despite more than 4,900 being booked across the country in the same period , a conviction rate of just 9.55%. For charges under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (Pocso) Act, just 855 convictions were recorded out of 6,892 cases during the same period , a rate of only 12.4%. The corresponding numbers for young adults aged 18-22 tell a similar story. While 52,471 were arrested under these stringent laws during this period, only 6,093 were convicted under Pocso, a conviction rate of just 11.61%. Of 24,306 arrested between 2018 and 2022 for rape, only 2,585 young adults were convicted under Section 376 of the Indian Penal Code, amounting to just 10.63% . The statistics form part of the Centre's written submissions opposing any move to lower the age of consent under the Pocso Act or introduce exceptions for adolescent relationships, telling the top court that such dilution, 'even in the name of reform or adolescent autonomy,' would dismantle the statutory shield meant to safeguard minors and risk opening the door to child abuse. However, the wide gap between the registration of cases and convictions suggests that while these laws aim to safeguard children from sexual exploitation, they may also be pulling large numbers of adolescents and young people (mostly men) into the criminal justice system, often in cases involving consensual relationships that turn adversarial due to family or societal pressure. Convictions and sentencing For juveniles (16-18 years), Pocso convictions rose modestly from 144 in 2018 to 213 in 2022 even as the number of detentions rose from 844 to 1,757, which implies a conviction rate of just 12.12% in 2022. The majority received prison terms of up to 10 years. Life imprisonment was awarded in only 31 cases across five years, and there was no death penalty. For the same group, rape convictions remained flat, ranging from 83 to 110 per year, with over 85% receiving sentences of up to 10 years. Only eight juveniles, tried as adults under the pertinent legal provisions, received life terms during this period. Among young adults in the 18-22 years age group, convictions under Pocso grew from 1,213 in 2018 to 1,312 in 2022. However, even this increase is modest considering the scale of bookings under the Act. While 8,740 persons were apprehended in 2018, 13,068 were arrested in 2022. That translates to conviction rates of 13.88% in 2018 and 10.04% in 2022 under Pocso. Additionally, rape convictions dropped from 620 in 2018 to 476 in 2022, reflecting a 23.23% decline despite higher arrest figures. Life imprisonment was more common in this age group. 773 individuals received life terms for Pocso offences, while 238 did so for rape. A total of 22 young adults were awarded the death penalty over the five years, compared to just one juvenile. These statistics emerge at a time when the Supreme Court is hearing a public interest litigation examining whether the blanket criminalisation of all sexual activity below the age of 18 under the Pocso Act requires re-examination. The law, enacted in 2012, sets the age of consent at 18 and makes even consensual acts between teenagers prosecutable. Senior advocates Indira Jaising and Sidharth Luthra, appearing as amici curiae in the 2012 public interest litigation (PIL) filed by lawyer Nipun Saxena, have argued that the mandatory reporting requirement and lack of a close-in-age exception is leading to over-criminalisation, infringing on the autonomy, privacy, and health rights of adolescents, particularly girls. But the Union government has pushed back, telling the court that 'any dilution of the age of consent, even in the name of reform or adolescent autonomy, would irrevocably dilute the statutory presumption of vulnerability that lies at the heart of child protection law.' In a recently filed affidavit, It has urged the court to uphold the 'bright-line' age of 18 to deter abuse and exploitation. Numbers suggest a need for nuance Data suggests that many of those convicted are themselves just a few years older than the complainants. The tables submitted by the government highlight that young men aged 18–22 are the most prosecuted group under Pocso, raising concerns that the protective intent of the law is being applied to penalise consensual relationships. For example, in 2022, 213 juveniles (16-18) were convicted under Pocso whereas 1,312 young adults (18-22) were convicted under the same Act -- over six times higher. Rape convictions for 18-22-year-olds (476) were also significantly higher than for juveniles (92). The sentencing trends further bolster the case for a more differentiated approach. A vast majority of both juveniles and young adults received sentences below 10 years, suggesting courts may be exercising discretion when faced with such cases, but only after the accused have undergone lengthy trials and detention. A legal and social dilemma The Centre's firm position against creating a 'close-in-age' exception, such as exempting consensual acts between teens aged 16-18, comes amid growing calls for a calibrated rethink. Several high courts, and even Supreme Court benches in bail and quashing proceedings, have flagged the problem of criminalising teenage love. Yet, the government has maintained that 'loosening age-based protections could open avenues for abuse under the guise of consensual activity,' and that the law must 'act as a strong deterrent… in a society where children, especially girls, are vulnerable to manipulation, coercion and abuse.' At the heart of the debate lies the challenge of balancing protection with autonomy, ensuring minors are not exploited, while also preventing a legal system from punishing consensual and developmental relationships among peers. In her written submissions countering the Centre's stance, Jaising said the age of consent was static at 16 years for 80 years and that increasing it to 18 years through the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013. 'No rational reason has been indicated for the increase, nor is there any data to suggest that the age of consent required any increase,' stated her submissions, adding the increase in the age of consent violated the right to autonomy of children between the ages of 16 and 18 who have the ability to give mature consent to sexual activity, having regard to the fact that they have attained puberty giving rise to sexual awareness. 'Scientific research indicates that adolescents are attaining puberty sooner than they did several years ago and puberty as we know, is the age of awakening of sexual awareness. It is the age during which there is a natural attraction between the sexes and the development of sexual relationships of choice. Hence, to criminalise such an activity rather than addressing the issue of sex education, is arbitrary, unconstitutional and against the best interests of children as defined in law,' the submissions contended. Increasing the age of consent has led to branding hundreds of children in the 16-18 age group as criminals. 'Data also indicates that most complaints to police are filed by parents of the girl, often against her own wishes and for extraneous reasons such as inter-religious or inter-caste relationships,' she said. 'The only solution lies in declaring that sex between consenting adolescents between the age of 16, an almost universal age of sexual maturity, and 18 is not a form of 'abuse',' Jaising's submissions added. The senior counsel urged the Supreme Court to read into the impugned legal provisions a 'close-in-age exception', applicable when both parties to the sexual act are adolescents between the ages of 16 and 18 and the sexual act is consensual. 'Such an exception would preserve the protective intent of the statute while preventing its misuse against adolescent relationships that are not exploitative in nature,' she said. As the Supreme Court resumes hearing the matter next month, the numbers paint a sobering picture : thousands of adolescents and young adults are caught in the legal net each year, but only a fraction are ultimately held guilty, often after years of litigation. Whether this calls for legislative reform or judicial steps may now be for the court to decide but the data offers compelling reason to confront the unintended consequences of the current regime.
Hindustan Times
3 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Government meetings spark buzz of J&K statehood
High-level meetings on the eve of the sixth anniversary of the reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir that led to the bifurcation of the erstwhile state into two Union territories set off speculation on Monday that the Centre may start the process of restoring the region's statehood. Adding fuel to this was a meeting of NDA members of Parliament called for Tuesday morning and the separate Sunday meetings between President Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah. (PTI) Adding fuel to this was a meeting of NDA members of Parliament called for Tuesday morning and the separate Sunday meetings between President Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah. Government officials and ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) functionaries remained tight-lipped about the bunch of meetings, including the one Union home minister Amit Shah held with national security advisor Ajit Doval, Intelligence Bureau chief Tapan Kumar Deka, and home secretary Govind Mohan on Monday. No details of this meeting, which was held in Parliament precincts, were shared. The speculation even prompted J&K chief minister Omar Abdullah to take to X and post: 'I've heard every possible permutation & combination about what to expect in J&K tomorrow so let me stick my neck out and say nothing will happen tomorrow - fortunately nothing bad will happen but unfortunately nothing positive will happen either. ' J&K was bifurcated into two UTs of J&K and Ladakh after Parliament on August 5, 2019 passed the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill and read down Article 370 and 35 (A) that gave the erstwhile state special powers to determine issues of domicile. Since the formation of the National Conference-led government in J&K almost 10 months ago, there has been a clamour to restore statehood in J&K. To be sure, both the Prime Minister and the home minister have stated that the region's statehood would be restored at the appropriate time. A senior BJP leader, while refusing to comment on the speculation said: 'This is a promise that the government has already made…and it will be done when the time is right.' This person, who asked not to be named, attributed the speculation of 'a big ticket announcement' to the two major events that took place on August 5. The first was the Bill for Abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 and a year later, on the foundation ceremony of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Modi and Shah separately calling on President Murmu at Rashtrapati Bhavan prompted rumours that the Centre may have a crucial bill on its agenda for the ongoing monsoon session that will end on August 21. To be sure, officials and party functionaries said the two leaders calling on the President was not unusual. 'The PM briefs the President on his foreign visits, the HM too meets her as required…' a second BJP functionary said. The meetings come in the backdrop of the impending vice presidential election that has been necessitated by the sudden resignation of Jagdeep Dhankhar who announced his exit on July 21, citing ill health. The election to pick the new VP has been scheduled for September 9, with August 21 being the last date for filing nominations. The second party functionary said the process of shortlisting candidates and reaching out to the allies including the Telugu Desam Party and the Janata Dal (United) to elicit their support will be initiated by the BJP leadership. 'So far, all the names being mentioned in the media are speculative,' the second functionary said. Some party leaders however indicated that the candidate is unlikely to be a sitting Lok Sabha MP or someone who holds a gubernatorial position. A meeting of the NDA parliamentary party has also been scheduled for Tuesday, which is likely to be addressed by the PM. Although such meetings used to be routinely held during Parliament sessions, their frequency has dropped after 2024. The last such meeting of NDA lawmakers was held on July 2, 2024. All eyes are also on the announcement for the election of the BJP's new party president. The term of the incumbent JP Nadda was extended till June 2024, but the election process has been the party president is elected unopposed. While the constitutional requirements for the election have been met, elections to pick new state presidents in at least 50% of the states are over, but there has been no word on the reason for the delay in announcing the date for the election of the new party president. A few party leaders said the process may get underway after the election of the VP is over, while some others indicated that the incumbent may continue till state polls are held in Bihar later this year. But right now, everyone is holding their breath for August 5.
