logo
April 25, 1999: Why It Matters to the West

April 25, 1999: Why It Matters to the West

Epoch Times25-04-2025
Commentary
Twenty-six years ago, on April 25, 1999, more than 10,000 peaceful Falun Gong practitioners gathered outside the State Council's appeals office at the Zhongnanhai compound in Beijing to appeal for their right to practice Falun Gong in China. Not since students assembled in Tiananmen Square in June 1989 had so many Chinese citizens gathered in public to appeal to the authorities.
Falun Gong, also known as Falun Dafa, is a spiritual practice in the Buddhist tradition based on the universal principles of truthfulness, compassion, forbearance (zhen, shan, ren, in Chinese). It was brought to the public by Mr. Li Hongzhi in May 1992 and quickly became the most popular qigong in China. By 1998, the State Sports Commission found that more than 70 million people were practicing Falun Gong.
Zhongnanhai
Zhongnanhai is a compound in Beijing, a former imperial garden west of the Forbidden City, that houses the offices of the State Council and the offices and residences of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The State Council oversees provincial governments throughout China and has an appeals office to receive petitions from citizens who have been treated unjustly.
What Happened on April 25, 1999?
The events of April 25, 1999, had a slow buildup. Despite the improved health and morality Chinese people found in Falun Gong, CCP hardliners, such as then-CCP leader Jiang Zemin, saw it as a resurgence of traditional culture that must be crushed by a Cultural Revolution-like campaign.
By 1996, the regime's public security authorities started disrupting Falun Gong meditation gatherings, and state media ran articles attacking the practice. Through 1997 and 1998, there were incidents of Falun Gong practitioners being unjustly treated across China.
In early April 1999, Falun Gong practitioners in Tianjin went to a state-run news agency to request corrections to inaccuracies in its article on Falun Gong. However, the Tianjin Public Security Bureau used anti-riot police to beat and arrest more than 40 people. Local police told the practitioners to go to Beijing to resolve the issue.
When other practitioners heard about this, many went to the State Council's appeals office on April 25 that year, hoping to ensure a peaceful and safe environment for practicing Falun Gong. The office is located on Fuyou Street, on the west side of Zhongnanhai. However, local public security forces
Related Stories
4/19/2025
3/15/2025
Soon, there were more than 10,000 people—some standing quietly, others sitting. They were careful not to obstruct activities on the streets or footpaths, did not chant slogans or raise their voices, and were very orderly. In the context of the communist regime's historical response to dissent and the potential consequences, this mass gathering was brave and an embodiment of kindness and forbearance.
Zhu Rongji, then the Chinese premier, came out with several staff members to speak with the practitioners and called three of them to come inside to meet the deputy secretary of the appeals office. By nightfall, the issues appeared to have been resolved, and the practitioners all went home.
CCP Response
Although the Chinese petition and appeals system is intended to offer hope to people who have been treated unjustly, as with all regulations in China, the CCP stands above the law.
On July 20, 1999, at Jiang's direction, the CCP launched a major arrest of Falun Gong practitioners and a brutal persecution to eradicate the practice. The persecution continues today, including the killing of practitioners to harvest their organs for the state-run organ transplant industry in military and civilian hospitals.
CCP officials often claim that the appeal at Zhongnanhai was an organized 'siege' that posed a threat to the nation's leaders. Sadly, some Western governments and media still refer to this false narrative as a reason that Falun Gong was banned.
Why Is 'April 25' Important?
The Chinese communist regime does not accept the rule of law, fundamental human rights, and its obligations under international trade or treaties, and is a threat to the national security and freedoms enjoyed by all Western nations. That's not a political issue. It is an issue of humanity—the challenge of preserving our humanity, the goodness and kindness inherent in human beings.
Shi Caidong, a doctoral candidate at the Chinese Academy of Sciences, was one of three Falun Gong practitioners invited inside the Zhongnanhai compound by Premier Zhu. Later, after the persecution began, Shi witnessed his academic colleagues being sent to forced labor camps and even tortured to death. He was constantly harassed and arrested, and eventually fled to the United States as a visiting university scholar.
In 2010, when asked about his experiences in an interview with
'April 25' was the beginning of a peaceful resistance movement that is changing China from within. Through embodying the principles of Falun Gong, practitioners are helping hundreds of millions of Chinese people connect with their roots and see a future without communism.
It was also the beginning of the end for the CCP, as the regime's irrational and frenzied attacks on Falun Gong became more extreme, revealing its evil and inhumane nature to the world. The West now has a clear choice of what it will support and the future it chooses for its people.
Righteousness and justice will ultimately prevail.
Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Xi Jinping warns against China's overinvestment in EVs and AI
Xi Jinping warns against China's overinvestment in EVs and AI

Engadget

time32 minutes ago

  • Engadget

Xi Jinping warns against China's overinvestment in EVs and AI

Chinese President Xi Jinping has bluntly questioned a nationwide rush of investment into the AI and EV industries. As deflation anxiety grows and Trump's trade war with China ramps up, the world's second largest economy is turning to fast-growth tech industries to remain competitive. But Xi appears to think that the strategy is flawed. As reported by the Financial Times , China's President sent out a pointed message about over-investment at the two-day Central Urban Work Conference in Beijing. "When it comes to projects, there are a few things — artificial intelligence, computing power and new energy vehicles," he said in a speech that made the front page of the People's Daily , the official newspaper of the Communist Party. "Do all provinces in the country have to develop industries in these directions?" The Financial Times reports that Xi went on to criticise officials who encourage hasty development but don't hang around to face the consequences. 'We should not only focus on how much GDP has grown and how many major projects have been built, but also on how much debt is owed,' Xi told conference attendees. "We should not let some people pass the buck and leave problems to future generations." For now though, there's no suggestion that China is shifting its focus away from the sectors Xi directly referenced. This week, NVIDIA was granted permission by the US government to resume selling its AI chips to China, with the company reportedly holding $8 billion in unshipped orders. It was initially blocked from selling the H20 AI GPU to China over concerns it could aid the nation's military. China is the global leader of the EV industry, and the country is taking on the US in the robotaxi race too. It was announced this week that Uber is partnering with Baidu to bring thousands of the Chinese company's Apollo Go autonomous vehicles onto the Uber network in mainland China and other non-US markets.

Trump's 50-day Ukraine ultimatum is doomed to fail
Trump's 50-day Ukraine ultimatum is doomed to fail

The Hill

time32 minutes ago

  • The Hill

Trump's 50-day Ukraine ultimatum is doomed to fail

President Trump campaigned on a promise to end the Ukraine war within 2 4 hours of returning to the White House. Now back in the White House, he finds himself hemmed in by the realities of great-power politics. Trump's self-confidence has collided with the entrenched dynamics of a grinding conflict. Frustrated, he has turned to familiar tools of coercion: threats, pressure tactics and a new flow of advanced weapons to Kyiv. Trump's latest initiative gives Moscow a 50-day deadline to end its war in Ukraine. He has threatened secondary sanctions on Russia's key trading partners and opened a fresh weapons pipeline to Kyiv, hoping this twin-pronged approach will force Russian President Vladimir Putin's hand. But like Trump's earlier attempts to employ brute pressure as a substitute for diplomacy, this initiative reflects impatience more than strategic clarity. Trump once believed that his personal rapport with Putin, coupled with a dealmaker's instinct, could bring about a ceasefire. But six months into his new term, his peace push lies in tatters. Russia continues to press its territorial ambitions, while Ukraine, bolstered by Western military support, shows little interest in making major concessions. Instead of a breakthrough, Trump faces a deepening quagmire. The irony is unmistakable — the president who pledged to end America's entanglements in ' forever wars ' is now escalating U.S. involvement in one that is deflecting American attention away from more-pressing strategic challenges, including from China, which is seeking to supplant the U.S. as the world's foremost power. Trump's new Ukraine strategy bears an eerie resemblance to his Iran policy, when he tried to bomb Tehran into submission, only to end up entrenching animosities further and weakening U.S. leverage. There is no doubt that ending the war in Ukraine is in America's strategic interest. The conflict has absorbed vast U.S. resources, diverted diplomatic bandwidth and strained transatlantic cohesion. More importantly, the war has delayed Washington's ability to focus on the key Indo-Pacific region — the world's emerging economic and geopolitical nerve center. The pivot to the Indo-Pacific is not merely aspirational. A leaked memorandum titled 'Interim National Defense Strategic Guidance,' signed by Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, identifies China as the Pentagon's 'sole pacing threat.' The Trump administration is seeking to reorient the U.S. military posture to prepare for a potential showdown in Asia over Chinese aggression against democratic Taiwan. The war in Ukraine, by draining American attention, resources and capabilities, undermines this rebalancing. Seen from this angle, Trump is right to seek an end to the conflict. But his approach — escalating arms transfers while threatening punitive sanctions on countries that do business with Russia — is unlikely to yield peace. If anything, it risks prolonging the war by reinforcing the belief in Kyiv that Washington remains committed to a military solution. In fact, Trump's threat to impose harsh penalties on Russia's trading partners lacks credibility. Such sanctions would trigger a U.S. showdown with China, which trades nearly $250 billion annually with Russia, including major oil and gas imports. Sanctioning India could upend America's Indo-Pacific strategy aimed at maintaining a stable balance of power. History offers little support for the notion that coercion alone can deliver durable peace. Military pressure may bring parties to the table, but diplomacy is what cements outcomes. The Dayton Accords, which ended the Bosnian war, and the Camp David Accords, which brought peace between Egypt and Israel, were both products of tough negotiations rather than deadlines and threats. Trump's maximalist tactics risk backfiring on multiple fronts. Sanctioning Russia's trading partners could alienate crucial 'swing' nations in the global contest with China. These states are already wary of U.S. unilateralism, and some of them could be pushed into Beijing's orbit. Moreover, punitive economic measures often fail to change state behavior, especially when national security interests are at stake, as is the case for Russia in Ukraine. Meanwhile, a flood of advanced new U.S. weapons to Ukraine may boost short-term battlefield performance but will do little to bridge the wider diplomatic impasse. Putin, faced with increased Western backing for Kyiv, is unlikely to scale back his goals. Instead, he may double down, calculating that time and attrition are on his side. The real path to peace in Ukraine lies not in deadlines or ultimatums, but in a forward-looking diplomatic initiative that recognizes the legitimate interests of all parties while seeking to uphold Ukraine's sovereignty. The Biden administration made limited overtures in this direction, but Trump, who claims to be a great dealmaker, has an opportunity to go further. Instead of trying to impose peace through pressure alone, he must find ways to bring both sides to the table — with credible inducements and face-saving compromises. This will require working with international partners — not just NATO allies, but also influential neutral states like India and the United Arab Emirates that can serve as mediators. It will also require a nuanced understanding of Russia's domestic political constraints and Ukraine's security concerns. None of this is easy, but it is more likely to succeed than a strategy built on coercion and deadlines. Despite promising to end the war quickly, Trump now finds himself caught in the same bind as his predecessor. His failure to secure a ceasefire has deepened America's involvement in the war — the very entanglement he vowed to end. Unless he pivots toward a more diplomatic course, his 50-day ultimatum to Moscow will go the way of his 24-hour pledge: unmet and quietly shelved. Deadlines don't make peace. Diplomacy does.

Exclusive-India's top think tank recommends easing investment rules for Chinese firms, sources say
Exclusive-India's top think tank recommends easing investment rules for Chinese firms, sources say

Yahoo

time2 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Exclusive-India's top think tank recommends easing investment rules for Chinese firms, sources say

By Sarita Chaganti Singh and Nikunj Ohri NEW DELHI (Reuters) -The Indian government's top think tank has proposed easing rules that de facto require extra scrutiny for investments by Chinese companies, arguing that the rules have meant delays for some sizeable deals, three government sources said. Currently, all investment by Chinese entities in Indian companies need to gain a security clearance from both India's home and foreign ministries. The think tank, NITI Aayog, has proposed that Chinese companies can take a stake of up to 24% in an Indian company without any approval being required, said the sources who were not authorised to speak to media and declined to be identified. The proposal, reported for the first time by Reuters, is part of a plan to boost foreign direct investment in India and is being studied by the trade ministry's industries department, the finance and foreign ministries, as well as Prime Minister Narendra Modi's office, the sources said. And while not all of NITI Aayog's ideas are necessarily taken up by the government, the proposal comes at a time when India and China are seeking to mend ties that have been particularly strained since border clashes in 2020. Any decision to ease might be months away and will be taken by political leaders, two of the sources said. They added that the industries department is in favour of easing, but the other government bodies are yet to give their final view. NITI Aayog, the ministries, the industries department and the prime minister's office did not reply to Reuters requests for comment. DEALS SHELVED The rules were put in place in 2020 after border clashes, including hand-to-hand fighting between the two neighbours. They only apply to land bordering nations, which affects Chinese companies the most. By contrast, companies from other countries can freely invest in many sectors such as manufacturing and pharmaceuticals, while some sensitive sectors such as defence, banking and media have restrictions. Deals such as a 2023 plan by China's BYD to invest $1 billion in an electric car joint venture have been shelved due to the rules, sources have said. While foreign investment has slowed globally since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the rules hampering Chinese investment in India have been seen as a significant factor behind a large drop in the South Asian country's FDI. Net foreign direct investment in India tumbled to a record low of just $353 million in the past financial year, a fraction of the $43.9 billion logged in the year ended March 2021. An easing in military tensions since October has led to more efforts by both countries to mend ties, with plans for the resumption of direct flights and India seeking a "permanent solution" to their decades-old border dispute. Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar's made his first trip to China in five years this week, telling his counterpart that the two nations must settle tensions along their border and avoid restrictive trade measures such as China's curbs on the supply of rare earth magnets. The think tank has also recommended revamping the board that decides on foreign direct investment proposals, the sources said.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store