Justice Minister Kubayi heads to Ghana for crucial International Criminal Court retreat on Kampala Amendments
Image: File
Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, Mmamoloko Kubayi, is travelling to Accra, Ghana, on Monday to participate in a high-level retreat on the Kampala Amendments and International Criminal Justice from May 19 to 21, 2025.
The retreat will bring together Ministers of Justice and senior officials from all 33 African States Parties to the International Criminal Court (ICC), as well as representatives from the ICC Presidency, the Assembly of States Parties (ASP), the ICC Trust Fund for Victims, African Union officials, and international legal experts.
These amendments define the Crime of Aggression and establish the conditions under which the ICC can exercise jurisdiction over it, said Terrence Manase, spokesperson to the Minister.
According to Manase, an act of aggression includes using armed force by one state against another in violation of the United Nations (UN) Charter, such as invasion, military occupation, annexation by force, bombardment, or blockade.
'The Ministry welcomes this opportunity for meaningful engagement and continental collaboration as African States continue to shape a credible and effective international criminal justice system.'
'Minister Kubayi's participation highlights the country's support for multilateralism, the fight against impunity, and the advancement of an inclusive and balanced global justice system,'' he said.
The retreat builds on a successful pilot meeting held in Johannesburg in October 2024, which raised awareness and fostered a sense of ownership among African States Parties in advocating for a fair and legitimate crime of aggression regime.
'The Johannesburg retreat was a turning point. It laid the foundation for Africa to speak with one voice on the issue of aggression and the future of international justice,' said Manase.
'This next phase in Accra is about consolidating that progress and finalising a unified African position.'
Manase noted that the Kampala Amendments on the Crime of Aggression are a set of legal changes adopted in 2010 at the Review Conference of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), held in Kampala, Uganda.
The retreat, organised in partnership with the Ministries of Justice of Ghana, Sierra Leone, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, will further deliberate on an amendment proposal submitted by the Group of Friends (GoF), a coalition of supportive states.
'The Minister views this as an essential step in strengthening the global justice system from an African perspective,' Manase said.
Manase said the goal is to finalise a unified African position on the Kampala Amendments ahead of discussions at the Assembly of States Parties.
[email protected] Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel.
IOL Politics
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

IOL News
3 hours ago
- IOL News
Mnangagwa outlines Zimbabwe's path to becoming an economic powerhouse at the Liberation Movement Summit
President of Zimbabwe and leader of Zanu-PF, Emmerson Mnangagwa addresses the Liberation Movement Summit in Kempton Park, Ekurhuleni on Sunday. Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa has laid out a sweeping economic transformation strategy aimed at empowering the country's youth, boosting rural economies, and positioning Zimbabwe as a driver of African innovation and self-reliance. Speaking at the Liberation Movement Summit in South Africa on Sunday, Mnangagwa emphasised that Zimbabwe's development would be people-centered, inclusive, and anchored in Pan-African solidarity. 'In our case, ZANU-PF has adopted strategies to empower the youth,' Mnangagwa declared. 'We are not only issuing mining claims but also providing equipment so they can actively participate in the mining value chain.' He revealed plans to drill boreholes in each of Zimbabwe's 35,000 villages.


eNCA
4 hours ago
- eNCA
Questions swell in Eswatini over five men deported from US
In the small African kingdom of Eswatini, the arrival of five men deported from the United States under Washington's aggressive anti-immigrant measures has sparked a rare wave of public dissent. The five, nationals of Vietnam, Laos, Yemen, Cuba and Jamaica, were flown to Eswatini's administrative capital of Mbabane on July 16 on a US military plane and incarcerated after US authorities labelled them "criminal illegal aliens". The US Department of Homeland Security said the men were convicted of violent crimes "so uniquely barbaric that their home countries refused to take them back". The government of Eswatini, formerly known as Swaziland, has confirmed their presence. But spokesman Thabile Mdluli said they would not stay permanently, and "will be repatriated in due course to their different countries". That assurance, though, has not quelled a tide of questions and concerns that has risen within the kingdom about the operation. Civic and rights groups are wondering whether further deportees from the United States will arrive, and what rights the five men detained have. Public outrage at the lack of transparency led to 150 women protesting outside the US embassy in Mbabane on Friday. The protest, organised by the Eswatini Women's Movement, demanded the prisoners be returned to the United States and queried the legal basis Eswatini relied on to accept them. The five men are being held in the Matsapha Correctional Centre, 30 kilometres south of Mbabane. The facility, notorious for holding political prisoners and overcrowding, has been undergoing renovations and expansions since 2018, reportedly funded by the United States as part of a program covering all 14 of the country's penal centres. - Solitary confinement - Sources within the penitentiary administration said the men were being held in solitary confinement in a high-security section of the facility, with their requests to make phone calls being denied. The sources said the men have access to medical care and the same meals as the thousand other inmates, as well as a toilet, shower and television in their cells. Prime Minister Russell Dlamini has dismissed calls by lawmakers and from other quarters for the secrecy surrounding the agreement with Washington to be lifted. "Not every decision or agreement is supposed to be publicly shared," he said. Eswatini is the second African country to receive such deportees from the United States, after South Sudan earlier this month accepted eight individuals. The situation has sparked concerns about the potential implications for Eswatini, a country already grappling with its own challenges under the absolute monarchy of King Mswati III. The 57-year-old ruler has been criticised for his lavish lifestyle and has faced accusations of human rights violations. US President Donald Trump has used the threat of high tariffs against other countries, such as Colombia, to coerce them to take in people deported from America. Eswatini is currently facing a baseline US tariff of 10 percent -- less than the 30 percent levelled at neighbouring South Africa -- which the government has said will negatively impact the economy. Trump has directed federal agencies to work hard on his campaign promise to expel millions of undocumented migrants from the United States. His government has turned to so-called third-country deportations in cases where the home nations of some of those targeted for removal refuse to accept them.


Daily Maverick
5 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Young Mozambicans are no longer waiting for the future — they are building it
This project – a living model of social transformation – redefines what it means to include young people. Could it be adapted and replicated in other African territories? In northern Mozambique – specifically in Cabo Delgado, Nampula and Niassa provinces – young people face a complex reality of exclusion, multidimensional poverty, structural unemployment and a profound erosion of trust between citizens and the state. Cabo Delgado has been affected by armed conflict since 2017. Non-state groups have launched attacks that have claimed thousands of lives, displaced more than one million people and devastated communities. The humanitarian crisis has deepened because of the weak presence of the state and unequal access to aid, fuelling feelings of abandonment and resentment. Simultaneously, the extraction of natural resources such as natural gas and rubies has exposed the tension between promises of development and the persistent exclusion of local populations. In areas like Montepuez and Palma, displaced communities and unemployed young people live alongside multimillion-dollar investments from which they rarely benefit. The consequences of this sociopolitical and economic fragmentation are visible in everyday life: inadequate education systems, a lack of public services, disempowered local governance structures and an economy that fails to provide decent jobs or promote inclusive growth. As a result, many young people are left disillusioned, navigating a precarious existence that fuels cycles of dependency, marginalisation and, in some cases, radicalisation. Many young people, cut off from education, healthcare and dignified work, have become easy targets for recruitment into armed groups, trafficking networks or exploitative labour. Others, driven by a sense of social invisibility, have turned to silence or forced migration. Women and girls in particular face compounded vulnerabilities, often excluded from public life and disproportionately affected by violence and poverty. It was in this context that the Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (CDD), in partnership with the Institute for Social and Economic Studies and the MASC Foundation, and support from the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation, launched more than a project – they built a living model of social transformation. A living theory shaped by territory This model emerged from a clear theory of change: to strengthen young people in three dimensions – personal capacity, collective voice and institutional influence. It stands on three practical pillars: youth empowerment and organisation; participatory, rights-based governance; and economic inclusion through cooperatives. The model recognises that real transformation begins with recognising the dignity, talents and knowledge of communities themselves. Rather than importing prepackaged solutions, it centres on mobilising local resources, facilitating dialogue and co-creating pathways for inclusive and participatory development. The CDD sees young Mozambicans not only as resilient, but as key actors capable of reshaping the social contract. Young people who were once excluded have become rights holders and protagonists of the present. In the first phase, youth hubs were created as spaces for training, dialogue and youth-led innovation. Young people received training in transformational leadership, sexual and reproductive rights, 21st-century skills and social entrepreneurship. These hubs served as safe spaces where critical thinking was encouraged and young people could imagine – and begin to build – alternative futures for themselves and their communities. In parallel, local authorities were trained in rights-based governance and encouraged to adopt inclusive practices. In the second phase, this empowerment became institutionalised through town hall meetings and policy dialogues, placing youngsters face-to-face with decision-makers. For many, it was the first time that local administrators sat at the same table as youth leaders, not in conflict, but in conversation. This shift towards deliberative democracy challenged top-down governance norms and gave birth to new modes of citizen engagement. Simultaneously, more than 40 youth-led community cooperatives were formed, inspired by principles of solidarity, economy and social enterprise. These platforms now promote economic autonomy and co-responsibility, allowing young people to generate income while contributing to the wellbeing of their communities. The cooperatives span agriculture, arts, services and ecotourism – often rooted in traditional knowledge but applying modern tools. In the third phase, the youth hubs evolved into legally recognised associations with local leadership, capacity for civic mobilisation and community dialogue, and the ability to submit proposals to international funders. Many have established partnerships with local governments, NGOs and even private actors – further embedding youth agency in the development architecture of their districts. Impacts that reshape the future The impact has been visible and profound: In local governance, there is greater openness, active listening and responsiveness. Local leaders are increasingly receptive to youth input and more accountable in their public functions. In youth organisation, mature leadership is emerging with a clear structure and institutional identity. These are not ad hoc movements but structured, autonomous organisations capable of shaping local agendas. In the political culture, young people are no longer viewed as threats but as strategic partners in development. This is particularly powerful in conflict-affected areas, where restoring trust and legitimacy is essential. This transformation is anchored in philosopher Axel Honneth's ethics of recognition: development is only possible when individuals are seen, heard and legitimised. A growing, rooted model The CDD model is not only sustainable, it is expanding organically through: Endogenous, replicable youth leadership that adapts to local realities; The institutionalisation of youth associations and cooperatives that act as permanent civic platforms; and The consolidation of the Transformational Leadership Academy as a regional centre for civic education and innovation. This architecture of change is not static – it evolves as young people continue to challenge assumptions, adapt to new realities and assert their place in public life. More than a project, this is a living laboratory of regenerative democracy, responding to a global crisis of trust in democratic institutions with listening, courage and rooted civic action. In Mozambique, young people are no longer waiting for the future – they are building it, one community, one initiative, one act of leadership at a time. Could this model be adapted and replicated in other African territories? Could an approach grounded in listening, belonging, organisation and co-responsibility help rebuild trust between young people and the state in regions marked by crisis? Certainly, no model can be transplanted wholesale. But what Mozambique offers is a blueprint – a possibility. A reminder that the most powerful transformations often begin with small acts of recognition and courage, scaled through collective vision and grassroots leadership. The answer is not final. But the Mozambican example offers a path that sees young people as the axis of social transformation and a regenerative force for fragile political systems. Perhaps this is, indeed, an African model for Africa's future. DM Professor Adriano Nuvunga is director of the Centre for Democracy and Human Rights in Mozambique and chairperson of the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network. He leads the activities of the Mozambique Human Rights Defenders Network. This story first appeared in our weekly Daily Maverick 168 newspaper, which is available countrywide for R35.