Pair of mischievous bears escape enclosure, eat 'week's worth' of honey
A pair of young European brown bears named Mish and Lucy broke out of their enclosures at a southwestern England wildlife park and pulled a heist of a week's worth of honey, park officials said.
Mish and Lucy, both 5 years old, escaped on June 23 and headed "straight for their food stores," the Wildwood Devon park said. There, the bears indulged in a variety of snacks, including about a week's worth of their allotted honey, before they were returned safely to their enclosures within an hour, the park said in a post to social media.
The bears never posed a threat to anyone's safety, but park staff escorted all visitors to a secure building until they were contained. Staff had eyes on the bears through CCTV footage the whole time, the park said. Footage shared on social media shows Lucy rooting through supplies and looking chuffed.
Both bears "passed out" after the escapade, the park said.
Wild bear freed: Black bear roamed Michigan with plastic lid on neck for 2 years
"We can now confirm that this was the result of an operational error, which allowed the bears to briefly access a staff-only food storage area," the park said in an update on June 24.
The staff followed safety protocols and were able to use recall training to safely coax the bears back into their enclosure without the need for any further intervention, the park said. An investigation into the escape was underway, Wildwood Devon said.
"While the structural integrity of the bear enclosure remains uncompromised, we take any operational lapse extremely seriously," the park said.
The park, which closed the day of the escape, was back open and operating normally the next day.
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Washington Post
20 hours ago
- Washington Post
How Iranian threats to Trump and his aides shaped the 2024 campaign
Iran nearly succeeded in orchestrating an assassination of former secretary of state Mike Pompeo at a European hotel in 2022, and then-candidate Donald Trump and his campaign were told by intelligence officials last September that the longtime U.S. foe had recruited hit men who were active at the time on American soil, according to a forthcoming book about the 2024 presidential campaign. Security threats to Trump and his aides dramatically changed their practices and worldview on the trail, according to an account obtained by The Washington Post from '2024: How Trump Retook the White House and the Democrats Lost America,' by Josh Dawsey, Tyler Pager and Isaac Arnsdorf. The book is scheduled to publish next month. Much of the changes stemmed from the two assassination attempts that Trump survived during the final months of the campaign. But threats from Iran in particular appear to have imbued the candidate and his aides with a level of fear and anxiety that informed their thinking every day and prompted major changes to Trump's schedule and movements, according to the book. Authorities have investigated whether either of the men in the attempted assassinations have ties to Iran but so far have not revealed a connection. The details add new context to the president's decision last weekend to authorize a bombing mission to destroy Iran's nuclear capabilities, although it is not yet known how much these events factored into Trump's decision. The threats described in the book were not limited to Iran. And the book ends with Trump's inauguration in January, so it does not capture the possibility of any ongoing threats. Iranian hit men tried to assassinate U.S. officials at least three times in the three years preceding Trump's election, as his campaign for president ramped up. Two of those attempts have been widely reported, but the incident involving Pompeo in Paris has not previously been disclosed. Also new is the account in the book that U.S. intelligence officials told Trump's team in September of last year that Iran had recruited hit teams that remained active inside the country. In 2022, Iranians learned of the Paris hotel where Pompeo was staying and tried to assassinate him. He narrowly escaped, the book says, but it provides no other details. The book's reporting is based on interviews with hundreds of people including senior campaign, White House and law enforcement officials as well as contemporaneous notes, emails, calendar entries and recordings. The threat to Pompeo adds new perspective to Trump's decision in January to revoke security protection for him, former national security adviser John Bolton and another top aide who were facing threats from Iran, which the New York Times reported at the time. The president said, 'when you have protection, you can't have it for the rest of your life.' Asked Thursday if the president is considering reinstating security protection for former officials including Pompeo given heightened tension with Iran, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters, 'That's not under consideration right now.' A spokesman for Pompeo declined to comment for this story. In his book published in 2023, 'Never Give an Inch,' Pompeo wrote that a member of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps charged with plotting to assassinate Bolton also sought to hire a contract assassin to kill Pompeo for $1 million. Pompeo wrote that the plan was not 'hapless,' and that 'would-be attackers had cased homes and offices' as part of their preparations. 'This threat is but one of many that my family and I have experienced since leaving office,' he wrote. 'While details must be omitted here, other Americans — some former Trump administration officials, some senior American military leaders, and some ordinary Americans — remain on the Iranian kill list. Most disturbingly for us and our families, Iran's assassination campaigns have no expiration date.' Trump had taken an aggressive stance toward Iran during his first term. He withdrew from an agreement with other Western nations in which Iran had pledged to eliminate or reduce aspects of its nuclear program. He reimposed economic sanctions. And he ordered a military operation that killed Iranian Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani, prompting multiple Iranian attempts at vengeance starting with a flurry of missile strikes and later escalating to assassination plots, including the one that targeted Pompeo. Previously reported attacks on U.S. soil have been linked to Iran, including an incident in 2022 in which a hit man tasked with killing an Iranian dissident got as far as her front door in Brooklyn with an assault rifle. That same year, U.S. authorities arrested the Revolutionary Guard member on charges of plotting to assassinate Bolton. Two years later, the day before Trump was shot at a campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, authorities arrested a Pakistani man who was planning to assassinate an unidentified American politician on Iran's behalf. In addition, The Washington Post previously reported that Iran has cultivated relationships with criminal networks in the West to carry out its attacks, including hiring two members of Hells Angels biker gangs in a plot against a former Iranian military officer living under an assumed identity in Maryland. In the aftermath of last weekend's bombing campaign, U.S. and other Western security officials have said they expected Iran or its proxies to respond similarly or perhaps with even more force than it did after Soleimani's death. Iran was only one of many sources of threats to Trump's safety through 2024. But together, these threats changed the way his campaign functioned, according to the book. Security officials effectively transformed Mar-a-Lago, Trump's home and private club in Palm Beach, Florida, into an armed camp. They persuaded Trump to travel in a decoy plane owned by Steve Witkoff, a real estate investor who is now his special envoy to the Middle East. Trump switched planes for one trip after Secret Service agents grew especially concerned about his jet, which could be vulnerable to surface-to-air missiles with fewer defensive systems than Air Force One, the book says. That day, his campaign staff boarded the plane and waited for him to join. Instead, the door shut, and Chris LaCivita, one of the campaign managers, explained what was happening, the book says. The book then recounts the following dialogue: 'The boss isn't flying with us today,' LaCivita said. 'So we're the bait?' one staffer said. LaCivita said no, but he stressed the importance of making more unexpected moves. 'Right now,' he said, 'we're too predictable.' On the other days, when Trump did travel in his own jet, Secret Service agents started flying decoy planes and driving down the runway behind him as he took off, extra precautions in case someone were to shoot at the jet. Trump's team began meeting at Mar-a-Lago for security sweeps instead of converging at the airport. One time, an agent yelled at staff as they boarded: 'Get on the plane as fast as you can! Keep your head down!' The agents, the aides later learned, were worried about snipers and missiles. Even still, Trump was the target of two assassination attempts — one at the July 13 rally in Butler, in which a bullet grazed the candidate's right ear, and the other on Sept. 15 in West Palm Beach, Florida, where authorities arrested a man who had pointed a rifle at a golf course where Trump was playing, leaving a note saying he had intended to kill him. Authorities have not linked the incidents to Iran, but the investigations remain open. Some of the Trump campaign's worries about Iran and other actors were previously reported by Axios. The new book offers additional details about internal reactions and steps taken. As Trump's campaign continued, threats to his safety became omnipresent, the book says. When Trump visited the southern border, local police searched the desert for a man who threatened him on social media. Another time, agents stepped in when an inebriated man stumbled toward Trump on the patio of Mar-a-Lago. Authorities warned Trump's team about poison and drones. They told Trump to avoid touching phones while taking selfies with supporters in case adversaries used them to expose him to chemical weapons. He greeted fans less frequently at airport rope lines. Once, while leaving a rally on Long Island, the Secret Service told campaign managers LaCivita and Susie Wiles, now the White House chief of staff, that they were on alert for someone trying to shoot at the motorcade. 'I wish I had my f---ing rifle,' the book describes LaCivita as saying in the car. 'Give me my M4.' Wiles reclined her seat all the way back, away from the windows. Another time, on a trip to a farmers market in western Pennsylvania, Wiles got a call from the Secret Service saying there was an unknown drone overhead, following them down country roads an hour southeast of Pittsburgh, and they couldn't shake it. Wiles thought to herself, 'This is it,' according to the book. The drone continued to follow them but never did anything. As the threats mounted, Trump reduced his tendency to do what he wanted regardless of safety risks, becoming more deferential to his security team. When he spoke at a bitcoin conference in Nashville, someone got past the security screening and disappeared into the crowd. Trump, delayed for more than an hour, repeatedly asked the agents for an update. When an agent told him that they were still clearing the area, he nodded and said, 'I'm going to listen to my guys,' the book says. The book describes a previously unreported scene in which people close to the campaign spoke with Erik Prince, the founder of military contractor Blackwater, who suggested asking for protection from Delta Force commandos, a covert U.S. Army Special Operations unit. Then, on Sept. 24 of last year, national security officials briefed Trump at Mar-a-Lago that Iran had multiple hit teams inside the country. As previously reported, U.S. authorities arrested an 'Iranian asset' six weeks later, in November 2024, claiming that the suspect had been tasked by the Iranians with 'surveilling and plotting to assassinate President-Elect Donald J. Trump.' It is not clear if that arrest was related to the security threats Trump was briefed on in September. There have been no subsequent arrests of hired gunmen accused of stalking the candidate on behalf of Iran. What is clear is that Iran weighed heavily on Trump's mind, according to the book. He asked multiple times if Iran was connected to the gunmen in Butler and West Palm Beach and grew increasingly frustrated with the acting director of the Secret Service, Ronald L. Rowe Jr., when he felt like he would not answer his questions. Wiles, LaCivita and a spokesperson for Witkoff declined to comment for this story. Rowe could not immediately be reached for comment. Trump's team began discussing how excited they would be to fire Rowe as their concern grew that they and Trump were in peril. Trump replaced Rowe in February. 'The apparent reluctance of our own government to address this situation immediately and with grave seriousness is concerning, to say the least,' Wiles wrote in an Oct. 2 email obtained by the authors. She also asked for a plane equipped with defensive countermeasures, such as one of the Air Force's Boeing 757s typically used to transport senior U.S. officials. She never got them. So Trump and his team took their own precautions. Trump had a chemical weapons detection device installed in his office. At Mar-a-Lago, a bomb-detecting robot roamed the lawn. James Blair, campaign political director and now White House deputy chief of staff, borrowed an armored vest from a friend in the military and stored it under his desk. Some campaign staff brought guns to the office. The Republican National Committee stationed armed guards outside LaCivita's house in Virginia for the last several months of the campaign after he received three death threats. The security concerns became so central that Trump's team worried that he would be in a worse mood and self-sabotage more often because it became harder for him to play golf. By the end of the campaign, Trump felt the election had become bigger than his political victory. It was also about his survival. 'I have to win,' the book recounts him telling a visitor at Mar-a-Lago, newly fortified by Secret Service, reporting from the book shows. 'Stay alive and win. Because if I don't, we are f----ed.' Clara Ence Morse contributed to this report. Dawsey, Pager and Arnsdorf, the authors of the book, '2024: How Trump Retook the White House and the Democrats Lost America,' are current or former Washington Post reporters.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Yahoo
Brad Pitt's Home Burglarized After Thieves Enter Through Front Window and Ransack His Property, Police Say
Brad Pitt's home in Los Angeles was allegedly burglarized by three suspects on Wednesday, June 25 The home is located in the Los Feliz neighborhood of Los Angeles Pitt was most recently seen attending the European premiere of F1: The MovieBrad Pitt's home in the Los Feliz neighborhood of Los Angeles has allegedly been burglarized. The alleged burglary occurred at approximately 10:30 p.m. on Wednesday, June 25, the Los Angeles Police Department told PEOPLE. The suspects "broke into the residence via the front window, ransacked the location, then fled the location with miscellaneous property," police said. All three suspects are yet to be publicly identified. Pitt, 61, was not in the home at the time of the alleged burglary. A rep for Pitt had no comment. The burglary comes amid a string of celebrity home invasions in Los Angeles in 2025. Nicole Kidman and Keith Urban's Los Angeles home was burglarized on Valentine's Day. Police sources told NBC News, ABC News and TMZ at the time that the burglars allegedly smashed a glass door or window to break in before ransacking the home and fleeing. Tom Hanks and Rita Wilson's Los Angeles home was also burglarized last year on Aug. 5, 2024, per ABC 7. The invasion of Pitt's home comes while the actor has been on an international press tour for F1: The Movie. The actor was most recently seen at the film's European premiere in London's Leicester Square on Monday, June 23. Never miss a story — sign up for to stay up-to-date on the best of what PEOPLE has to offer, from celebrity news to compelling human interest stories. Director Joseph Kosinksi recently told PEOPLE exclusively that he and Formula One driver Lewis Hamilton were "really impressed" with the actor's driving skills on set. In the film, Pitt plays fictional Formula One racing driver Sonny Hayes, who previously left Formula One after a traumatizing accident. The film, which also stars Damson Idris, Kerry Condon and Javier Bardem, hits theaters Friday, June 27. Read the original article on People
USA Today
a day ago
- USA Today
Israel says it killed Iran commander as both sides attack
On Saturday's episode of The Excerpt podcast: European foreign ministers are working to establish a path to diplomacy in Geneva. Lawmakers propose prohibiting masked agents. Plus, pro-Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil has been released. And USA TODAY National Correspondent Trevor Hughes discusses how the Trump administration is doubling down on immigration enforcement. President Trump is calling for a special prosecutor to investigate his false 2020 election claims. Millions of Americans will feel a heat wave this weekend. Find out where. USA TODAY Senior Reporter Jessica Guynn tells us how some fear anti-DEI fervor could drive openly gay, trans and nonbinary executives back into hiding. Let us know what you think of this episode by sending an email to podcasts@ Hit play on the player below to hear the podcast and follow along with the transcript beneath it. This transcript was automatically generated, and then edited for clarity in its current form. There may be some differences between the audio and the text. Podcasts: True crime, in-depth interviews and more USA TODAY podcasts right here Taylor Wilson: Good morning. I'm Taylor Wilson, and today is Saturday, June 21st, 2025. This is USA TODAY's The Excerpt. Today, we check in on Israel and Iran, plus how the Trump administration is leaning in on immigration enforcement and some fear that anti-DEI backlash could drive openly LGBTQ+ executives back into hiding. Israel said earlier today, it had killed veteran Iranian commander Saeed Izadi. That came as the countries continued to trade strikes. Iran's foreign minister said yesterday, there was no room for negotiations with the US until Israeli aggression stops, but he arrived in Switzerland for talks with European foreign ministers. Europe hopes to form some diplomatic path. For his part, President Donald Trump reiterated that he would take up to two weeks to decide whether the US should enter the conflict on Israel's side, enough time to see whether or not people come to their senses, he said. You can stay up on all the latest throughout the weekend on ♦ Two California lawmakers are pushing legislation that would prevent law enforcement from covering their faces when making arrests in the state. The No Secret Police Act introduced by two Democrats in the California Senate is a reaction to immigration sweeps across the country by masked agents in plain clothes who are increasingly refusing to identify themselves by name or the agency they work for. Meanwhile, Mahmoud Khalil, a Columbia University graduate held for months in connection with his pro-Palestinian activism was released yesterday. A US district judge said the thirty-year-old lawful permanent resident was neither a flight risk nor dangerous and his prolonged detention since March was potentially punitive. Amid some of the recent news on the immigration front, I caught up with USA TODAY National Correspondent Trevor Hughes for a step-back look at how the Trump administration is not backing down on immigration enforcement. Hiya, Trevor. Trevor Hughes: Hey, how's it going? Taylor Wilson: Good. Good. Thanks for hopping on, Trevor. So you're right about escalating efforts to deport undocumented immigrants. So how is this administration really doubling down? Trevor Hughes: The president ran for and was elected on a platform of increased immigration enforcement, right? And he's been talking about doing a million deportations a year. He has not stopped that. That is a thing he campaigned on, it's what he won on. We're starting to see a lot of push back across the country. You saw these huge protests, the No Kings rallies, in which many people carried signs opposing this enhanced immigration enforcement, and the president is showing no sign of backing down. Right? In fact, in some cases we're seeing more enforcement in California, places where people have been protesting. So the president really is showing that he is undeterred at this point. Taylor Wilson: Well, even beyond the protests and folks taking to the streets in this way, Trevor, how else is resistance really spreading on this issue, in particular? Trevor Hughes: I've been getting social media posts from friends who are saying, well, here's how coffee shops are sharing details about how to keep their workers safe, or even vineyards talking about the frustration they've had of longtime workers being deported. I have been struck by this sort of language of resistance, and in some cases actual resistance that we're starting to see. People are blocking in ICE agents with their vehicles. There was a very tense situation in LA where some immigration officials were in the Dodgers parking lot and they were sort of blocked in and it sounds like the LAPD ultimately had to come in and let them out a back way. Taylor Wilson: Well, as you mentioned, Trevor, Trump on the campaign trail talked about a lot of this. He said he would target violent criminals and gang members. Is that still his argument in this moment and is that who he's actually targeting? Trevor Hughes: Yeah, so the president repeatedly talks about targeting violent criminals, gang members, that kind of thing. And then we see enforcement that has actually been going after roofing contractors, people who work in vineyards, folks who are not violent criminals, even if they have broken the law in coming to the United States improperly. But the president the other week seemed to back down on enforcement for agricultural workers and for hospitality workers, and then a couple of days later reversed course again and said, "No, no, we're going to continue these deportations everywhere." It's one of those situations where some of the president's most vocal supporters are very much looking forward to seeing these enhanced deportations and detentions. The question is, does the president respond when the middle of the country starts to say, "Hey, I don't feel comfortable about masked men who won't identify themselves grabbing brown people off the street." The president has said he wants to target criminal offenders, violent criminals, gang members, and statistics show that a very large number of the people who are being detained do not have a criminal record, aside from the argument that they have broken the law in coming to this country. Now, there's a whole question about whether people broke the law in coming to this country under Biden era rules that the president has now revoked, but at the end of the day, there are a lot of folks in detention centers or being targeted for deportation who have not committed any violent crimes. Taylor Wilson: Well, Trevor, despite seeing resistance and huge numbers of people take to the street, is it also fair to say that polling tells us most Americans actually support at least some form of these immigration actions? Trevor Hughes: Yes, that's right. I mean, again, the president ran on this platform; this is not a surprise to people. But what I think we're starting to see perhaps is folks saying, "Wow, this went further than I thought it would." Those of us who paid attention to this are sort of saying, oh, this is in fact what the president said he would do, and if you aim to deport a million people a year, you are going to have to target people who are not violent criminals. You're going to have to target people who are married, have lived in this country for 20 years, who have committed no crime other than violating immigration laws. It will be interesting to see over the coming months if American sentiment moves away from this aggressive enforcement and says, "That's more than I signed up for." There was a poll that came out recently that NBC News did that showed that 51% of Americans support what the president is doing on immigration. Those polls were taken right as or right before some of these big protests and some of these more attention grabbing raids in Los Angeles. So it'll be interesting to see if the sentiment shifts over the coming weeks and months because the majority of Americans don't support the president as a whole when it comes to his popularity, but immigration enforcement is actually one of the strongest things the President is being rated on right now. Taylor Wilson: And, Trevor, in this piece, you also talk about some of these just broader concerns about broken trust with authorities, especially in this moment, right? Can you talk through some of those worries? Trevor Hughes: I have a lot of friends who are police officers. I have been covering police issues for many, many years, and one of the challenges in this country is getting people to call police for help. And so what we're starting to see is a concern among the migrant rights community, among the law enforcement community, that if immigrants feel like they will be deported for reporting crimes, that they wouldn't call in child abuse, that they wouldn't call in domestic violence, or they wouldn't call in to be a witness in some of these crimes. And so it raises questions about pushing people further into the shadows of our society. Taylor Wilson: Trevor Hughes is a national correspondent with USA TODAY. Great insight as always, Trevor. Thanks so much. Trevor Hughes: You bet. ♦ Taylor Wilson: President Trump is calling for a special prosecutor to investigate his false claims that the 2020 election was stolen, continuing to press an issue that resulted in an attack on the U.S. Capitol and his impeachment. Trump wrote on social media yesterday that the 2020 election was a total fraud. His efforts to challenge his 2020 election loss to former President Joe Biden already failed in court, and independent reviews and leading members of his own administration dismissed his fraud claims. ♦ Millions of Americans are in for a weekend of baking heat. According to AccuWeather, up to 170 million people across the country are expected to experience temperatures at or above 90 degrees during a heat wave over the next few days. You can check out how hot things are forecast to get in your backyard with a link in today's show notes. ♦ Some fear that anti-DEI backlash could drive openly gay, trans and non-binary executives back into hiding. I discussed with USA TODAY senior reporter Jessica Guynn. Thanks for joining me, Jessica. Jessica Guynn: Thanks for having me, Taylor. Taylor Wilson: So, Jessica, after years of civil rights advances and wins in the workplace, being openly gay, trans, or non-binary in corporate America just got tougher as you write, especially at the top. How so? Jessica Guynn: Well, in recent years, and particularly as the 2024 presidential election heated up, attacks on diversity, equity and inclusion spiked, and companies facing this kind of sharp criticism and consumer boycotts from anti-DEI activists really began to retreat from public expression of support for gay, trans and non-binary rights. Now in his second term, President Trump has signed a series of executive orders that take aim at LGBTQ+ issues, and we have seen corporations basically take evasive action to avoid becoming a target of the administration. And that's included stepping back from some of these long time commitments. Taylor Wilson: Do some LGBTQ+ corporate leaders fear this DEI backlash will drive more professionals even back into the closet, Jessica? Jessica Guynn: It's only in recent years that the doors of the C-suite have really begun to crack open for executives from diverse backgrounds, including those who are openly LGBTQ+. For decades, these executives have often hidden their sexual orientation or their gender identity at work because of discrimination, harassment, or they've just simply avoided rising into positions of power that come with that level of scrutiny. It's instructive to remember that it was only just over a decade ago that Apple CEO Tim Cook declared that he was gay. Taylor Wilson: So, Jessica, what do some of the numbers tell us about out LGBTQ executives? Jessica Guynn: Well, nearly one in 10 adults in the United States and almost a quarter of adults in generation Z, so ages 18 to 27, identify as LGBTQ+. LGBTQ+ people have an estimated 1.4 trillion in annual spending power, so that's a very lucrative and growing market that corporations really can't afford to overlook or neglect. But at the same time, there are very few openly gay, non-binary, trans people serving in the executive suite and on boards of directors. And it's noteworthy that while there's been more significant progress for women and people of color in the upper ranks of companies, the representation of openly gay, trans and non-binary executives has been pretty anemic, particularly relative to their participation in the workforce. If you look closely at the numbers, what you'll see is that there are less than a dozen LGBTQ+ executives who hold the top jobs in the nation's 1,000 largest companies, and their ranks are really sparse at the board level as well; they occupy about 1% of board seats in the S&P 500. And that figure has barely budged in five years, even as companies have been pushing to diversify their leadership following George Floyd's murder. And LGBTQ+ executives say increasing representation was never the priority it should have been for corporations, and now what they fear is that they may lose any momentum they had to change that. Taylor Wilson: Well, Jessica, in reporting this piece and some of the conversations you had, what did you hear from LGBTQ+ executives and how they're really approaching this moment? Jessica Guynn: I think this period is the most challenging for trans and non-binary executives who have been really singled out by the Trump administration and by anti-DEI activists. For example, I spoke with a technology executive who landed a board seat five years ago when the nation was obviously a lot less polarized over DEI. They identify as a person of color and non-binary, and they were really thrilled that their company touted their identity to the world. But that changed in recent months as the political winds shifted, and now that executive said they can no longer be out at work because they said it's dangerous to be who you are now. And many LGBTQ+ leaders in the corporate world fear that more people will be forced to make this kind of difficult decision, but they said they're determined to keep fighting for diverse leadership teams because they say those are essential to the success of their businesses. And their hope is that while they may not move forward as quickly as they once hoped, that the business world will not move backwards on this issue. Taylor Wilson: All right. We have a link to Jessica's full piece in today's show notes. Jessica Guynn is a senior reporter with USA TODAY. Thanks, Jessica. Jessica Guynn: Thanks so much for having me, Taylor. ♦ Taylor Wilson: And coming up tomorrow morning, this summer music takes center stage on screen. From iconic comebacks to behind the scenes revelations, music documentaries are making noise. USA TODAY national music reporter Melissa Ruggieri got an early look at the most anticipated releases, including the upcoming Miley Cyrus film. Melissa Ruggieri: She really, really is getting creative with this release, and she wanted to make it more than just a concept album. She wanted to make it a concept visual album, and she talked to me actually about how it was influenced by Pink Floyd's The Wall. Taylor Wilson: Melissa joins my colleague Dana Taylor to break down the biggest music docs hitting your screen this summer and the surprising stories behind them. You can catch that conversation tomorrow beginning at 5:00 AM Eastern Time, right here on this feed. ♦ Thanks for listening to The Excerpt. You can get the podcast wherever you get your audio. As always, you can email us at podcasts@ I'm Taylor Wilson. I'll be back Monday with more of The Excerpt from USA TODAY.
