The Legacy of the Ryukyu Kingdom: An Okinawa History
A new book by historian Kurayoshi Takara explores the history and resilience of the Ryukyu people and region with insights into today's Okinawa.
The Legacy of the Ryukyu Kingdom: An Okinawa History (March 2025) is essential reading for anyone interested in East Asian history, maritime diplomacy, and indigenous identity. Available in both English and Japanese, Kurayoshi Takara's work is both a tribute to the resilience of the Ryukyuan people and a reminder of the enduring legacies of cultural encounter and adaptation. It is a vital contribution to the growing body of literature that seeks to restore Ryukyu to its rightful place in regional and global history.
I first met the author, Kurayoshi Takara, in 2000. It was around the time Okinawa Prefecture was preparing to help host that year's G8 Summit, as it was then called.
It was the fourth time for Japan to host the annual gathering of leaders of the major democratic industrial nations. However, it was the first time the summit was held outside the capital city of Tokyo. As a regular visitor to Okinawa and playing a minor role in some of the events, I vividly recall the excitement. Shuri Castle, Naha, Okinawa.
Takara, then a professor at the University of the Ryukyus, was closely involved with the local preparations. One event was a dinner at Shuri Castle. He had played a major role in its reconstruction in the late 1980s and early 1990s, after its destruction in the Battle of Okinawa. The summit was widely seen as a success, despite the passing of Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi, who had chosen Okinawa as the main site shortly before.
I next met Takara in 2013, after he had retired from the university. He was serving as vice governor of the prefecture, and I was oneral Une of sevited States Marine Corps officials briefing him on an issue of mutual concern. We sat directly across from one another, two scholars-turned-public officials seeking to bridge the gap.
Whether as a scholar or an appointed official, I always found Takara, who has authored more than 20 books and countless reports, to be fair, knowledgeable, friendly, and helpful. His love for Okinawan history and culture is sincere and deep. And so is his ability to penetrate to the heart of the matter while respecting other opinions.
A native of Izena Island, Takara has always been an independent thinker when it comes to his studies of Okinawan ー or Ryukyuan ー history. He asks questions, not knowing where the answers and documents will take him. This takes enormous courage and confidence.
As a result, he has been able to develop his own theories on the history of the Ryukyu Kingdom and its tributary and semi-suzerainty relationship under Japan. He makes clear that Okinawa was never a part of China. "Pines and Waves at Ryudo" from the series, "Eight Views of the Ryukyu Islands" by Hokusai (Urasoe Art Museum via Wikimedia Commons)
Previously, Takara was a specialist at the Okinawa Historical Materials Editorial Office. He was also director of the Urasoe City Library, chief examiner at Okinawa Prefectural Museum & Art Museum, and executive director of the Okinawa History Research Society. In his new book, he examines the formation of Ryukyuan identity over the course of nearly 200 pages.
The book was originally published in 1993, after the opening of Shuri Castle and the commemoration of the 20th anniversary of Okinawa's reversion to Japan following 27 years of US occupation and administration. It is divided into seven chapters, including an Introduction and Conclusion, accompanied by a number of smaller essays. (Book cover)
ForewordPreface to the English EditionIntroductionI Discovering the KingdomII Ancient RyukyuIII Ryukyu in AsiaIV The Kingdom of WritsV The Organization of the KingdomConclusion
Postscript
Takara also includes a helpful 10-page historical timeline, which compares events in Okinawa to those of mainland Japan and the rest of the region, including China, Korea, and Southeast Asia. In the meantime, he has been busy at work on the restoration of Shuri Castle after a tragic fire destroyed most of it in 2019.
The book offers a sweeping yet accessible chronicle of the Ryukyu Kingdom, which thrived from the 15th to the 19th century before its annexation by Japan in 1879. Takara traces the kingdom's development from its early formation under King Shō Hashi to its role as a tributary state to both Ming/Qing China and Tokugawa Japan.
One of the central themes is the kingdom's unique position as a maritime hub. It is a small island polity that skillfully navigated the regional power dynamics of East Asia.
This history is particularly accessible because Takara and his colleagues carefully gathered documents throughout Okinawa and other parts of the world over the years. Takara personally visited homes in remote locations to uncover writs of appointment to analyze how the Ryukyuan Kingdom was administered. He also traveled to Southeast Asia starting in 1974, and China beginning in 1981, to see how overseas trade developed.
As a fellow "boots on the ground" type of writer, I also understand the time, work, and money involved in that kind of research. As such, it would not be an exaggeration to say that without Takara's efforts, much of what we know about Okinawan history would be unknown or long since forgotten. Or worse, it would be misrepresented and misappropriated by China.
At the same time, Takara also does not shy away from the more painful aspects of Ryukyuan history. He critically examines the annexation by Meiji Japan and the subsequent erasure of Ryukyuan identity, language, and autonomy. This adds a further poignant layer to the book, inviting readers to reflect on the legacy of colonization and cultural survival in modern Okinawa. US Marine Corps Air Station Futenma reclamation work also continues in Oura Bay off the coast of Henoko, Nago City, in Okinawa. August, 2024.
The writing is clear and elegant, with an outstanding translation by Lina J Terrell that retains the nuance of the original Japanese. The inclusion of historical documents, maps, and artwork enriches the text and also offers a more immersive reading experience.
Readers will certainly enjoy and benefit from this book, which came out in 2025 on the 80th anniversary of the end of the Battle of Okinawa.
Title: The Legacy of the Ryukyu Kingdom: An Okinawa History
Author: Kurayoshi Takara
Translator: Lina J Terrell
Publisher: Japan Publishing Industry Foundation for Culture (JPIC International)
Versions: Hardcover and E-book, English and Japanese
ISBN: 9784866582580
For additional information: Visit the publisher's website or any online bookseller.
Reviewed by: Robert D Eldridge, PhD
Dr Eldridge is a former political advisor to the US Marine Corps in Japan and author of numerous books on Japanese political and diplomatic history. Previously, he was a 2024 Taiwan Ministry of Foreign Affairs Fellow at Tamkang University and is a consultant on a broad spectrum of Japan-related matters.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Japan Forward
3 hours ago
- Japan Forward
Deciphering Lee Jae-myung and South Korea's New Diplomatic Course
Is Lee Jae-myung a pragmatist or a populist firebrand? Since taking office on June 4, South Korea's new president has defied easy classification. Critics on the right dismiss him as a leftist populist bereft of a coherent philosophy. Others view him as a shrewd realist, driven by a desire for more political power. Moon Chung-in, a former presidential adviser and expert on East Asian affairs, offers a different take. He describes Lee as a principled pragmatist — a leader guided by a clear-eyed pursuit of national interest. In an exclusive interview with JAPAN Forward, Moon, a distinguished professor at Yonsei University, discussed the early direction of Lee's foreign policy and how his administration is likely to diverge from that of his conservative predecessor. Professor Moon Chung-in attends the CogitASIA conference in 2015. (©Crawford Forum) From what I have observed, Lee is neither a leftist nor a populist in the conventional sense. A better way to describe him is as a progressive pragmatist. His goals lean progressive, championing peace, equality, and justice. But his methods are grounded in pragmatism. He seeks truth through facts and prioritizes people's tangible interests over lofty abstractions. Lee Jae-myung delivers a speech at the National Assembly on June 26. (©Lee Jae-myung/FB) Distinguishing between populism and pragmatism is difficult because the line separating them may be paper-thin. Policy driven by practicality but lacking in foundational principles quickly descends into opportunism and populism. When anchored in firm principles, however, pragmatism becomes an effective means of navigating complex domestic and global issues. I see the new president being the latter. President Lee didn't attend the 2025 NATO Summit in June and instead sent his National Security Advisor. By contrast, his predecessor, Yoon Suk-yeol, had attended the summit for three consecutive years, beginning in 2022. Lee's absence drew sharp criticism from conservatives at home and the United States, who saw it as a retreat from the American-led alliance. They argue his decision, likely influenced by fears of backlash from China, Russia, and North Korea, signals wavering commitment to the traditional alliance. Lee Jae-myung, fifth from the left in the back row, appears in a G7 family photo. (©Lee Jae-myung/FB) But such criticisms seem misplaced. The presidential office cited urgent domestic issues and global economic uncertainty following the Israel–Iran conflict as reasons for skipping the international forum. In truth, Lee was not fully prepared to attend. Less than three weeks into office, his cabinet remains incomplete, with no foreign or defense ministers appointed. There was also a practical concern. A bilateral meeting with President Donald Trump would have been a crucial benchmark for success. But due to Trump's shortened trip, that meeting was unlikely to happen. Their previous meeting at the G7 in Canada had been canceled at the last minute. Lee likely wanted to avoid a similar embarrassment. The previous administration prioritized value-driven diplomacy, focusing on concepts like democracy and human rights. Yoon often called the Seoul–Washington partnership a "value alliance." In contrast, President Lee takes a more interest-driven approach, emphasizing national interests over abstract ideals. This suggests that Lee's administration may pursue improved relations with China and Russia while maintaining close bilateral ties with Washington and trilateral cooperation with Tokyo and Washington. It's a hard balance to strike, for sure. Chinese President Xi Jinping (left) and US President Donald Trump at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, November 2017 (©Kyodo). The approach to peace is another important dividing line. Yoon stressed the principle of 'peace through strength' and advocated the doctrine of preemptive strike, decapitation of North Korean leadership, and massive retaliation and punishment. Lee takes an opposite posture. He favors the principle of 'peace first through reconciliation and cooperation.' He once said, "A dirty peace is still better than a winning war." His top priority is on preventive diplomacy that can reduce tensions, enhance confidence-building, and open a pathway to the denuclearization of and the creation of a peaceful regime on the Korean Peninsula. Yoon is known to have, by and large, delegated foreign policymaking to his immediate and trusted staff. But Lee is less inclined to delegate his power and authority. He will handle major foreign policy issues personally, while closely consulting with his staff and external advisors. Reviving South Korea–Japan relations was a top priority for former President Yoon, with backing from President Joe Biden at the time. Washington believed closer ties between Seoul and Tokyo were essential for advancing the US Indo-Pacific strategy. President Lee is expected to maintain the overall policy direction toward Japan. While he may reduce the frequency of trilateral military exercises with the US and Japan, he will continue to honor the Camp David declaration signed in 2023. Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba and South Korean President Lee Jae-myung meet each other in person on the sidelines of the G7 Summit in Kananaskis, Canada. (©Prime Minister's Office) His administration is also likely to retain the Yoon-era third-party compensation scheme for wartime forced laborers. However, he may simultaneously urge reciprocal measures from Tokyo, such as contributions from Japanese companies or industry groups like Keidanren (Japan Business Federation). On territorial issues like Dokdo [Takeshima] or other historical matters, the new president may take a firmer stance. My hope is that the US will not compel South Korea to choose between Washington and Beijing, as Vice President Joe Biden did in 2013 during the Obama administration. It's a demand that is neither appropriate nor constructive. The Trump administration might exert immediate pressure by tying an increase in Seoul's defense cost contributions for American forces to a potential reduction or withdrawal of troops stationed in South Korea. Indeed, President Trump has urged Seoul to increase its defense spending to 5% of GDP and raise its cost-sharing for US forces from the current $ 1.1 billion to $10 billion. I don't believe the Lee administration can easily comply with such demands, given strong domestic opposition. President Lee will need to carefully weigh a strategic balance of loyalty, advocacy, and leverage. But one thing is clear: Lee is a tough negotiator. He, therefore, will not blindly follow Washington's conditions as some previous administrations have. Author: Kenji Yoshida
Montreal Gazette
2 days ago
- Montreal Gazette
Quebec report reveals Dawson student admitted to writing messages in private social media group
News A Quebec government report into tensions at two Montreal colleges has revealed new details about hateful messages posted in a social media group, singling out a Dawson student as one of the 'main participants.' The report, published Friday by Quebec's Ministry of Higher Education, noted Dawson CEGEP received an anonymous email on May 9 containing screenshots from a 'social media sharing group' involving students from several institutions. The messages were described in the report as 'hateful, antisemitic, racist, and threatening to various groups.' While the platform is not named in the report, The Gazette understands the group operated on Discord and was known as Med serveur, a private channel for aspiring medical students with more than 1,400 members before it was shut down in May after the messages surfaced. According to the report, Dawson took 'swift action' in response to the anonymous complaint. 'The articles concerning the student were removed from the College's website and a meeting was arranged with the student,' the report observed, alluding to previous unrelated Dawson announcements about the individual. 'During this meeting, he confirmed that he was the author of the messages and provided certain explanations.' The student in question has declined to be interviewed by The Gazette. The report adds while 'some comments are deemed inappropriate,' they did not constitute incitement to 'violence.' Part of the section concerning the student was redacted. It remains unclear what disciplinary measures, if any, were taken. In a statement earlier this year, Dawson confirmed it had completed its internal investigation, but could not disclose the outcome because of student privacy laws. 'We had no awareness of this group before the complaint,' Donna Varrica, Dawson's director of communications, wrote in an email. 'It would be impossible to monitor the use of all social media platforms among a population of nearly 10,000 Dawson students.' The report acknowledges the student's posts would have violated the college's Code of Conduct if they were made in an academic context or explicitly linked to the institution. 'The decision to intervene is difficult,' the report stated, 'because institutions do not have control over everything that is published on the internet. Their only leverage … is when the College's identification (official name) is included in the publication.' The case was part of a broader government investigation into tensions at English-language CEGEPs following the outbreak of the Israel–Hamas war. The report, which also reviewed Vanier College, raised concerns about political student groups and the presence of prayer spaces. It recommends clearer guidelines on academic freedom and stricter enforcement of Quebec's secularism law, known as Bill 21. This story was originally published June 28, 2025 at 2:44 PM.
Calgary Herald
3 days ago
- Calgary Herald
RCMP union challenges bilingualism claim in province's Alberta Next survey
Article content The union representing RCMP officers is disputing that its members do not have the opportunity to advance to senior roles unless they speak French, as claimed in the preamble to a new Alberta government survey. Article content On Wednesday, Premier Danielle Smith launched the province's 15-member Alberta Next panel along with corresponding online engagement questionnaires. Article content Article content Article content The panel is seeking feedback on measures Alberta could pursue to further assert itself against the federal government, with an initial focus on an Alberta pension plan, tax collection, immigration, constitutional changes, federal transfers including equalization, and a provincial police force. Article content Article content The panel's website has individual polls for each of those issues that can only be taken following a short animated video. Article content 'Because of French-language requirements, English-speaking Alberta officers do not qualify for senior RCMP positions,' states the narration for the video prior to the survey on a provincial police force. Article content The survey doesn't define what constitutes a senior position. Article content In a statement to Postmedia, the National Police Federation (NPF) president and CEO Brian Sauvé challenged the survey's claim. Article content 'As we've seen previously, the government of Alberta continues to mislead Albertans about the benefits of the Alberta RCMP,' he said. Article content Article content 'In its campaign, the government falsely claims that English-only members are barred from advancing to any senior ranks tied to government requirements. Unfortunately, this is yet another instance of the province spreading misinformation.' Article content The NPF is Canada's largest police union, representing 20,000 RCMP members, and has also been a longtime opponent of a potential provincial police force. Article content 'The National Police Federation is wrong,' reads a statement from Ellis's office. 'The RCMP has previously confirmed that all deputy and assistant commissioner positions in Ottawa are designated bilingual, as are senior positions held by civilians within senior staff.'
