Thailand's New Cabinet Members Take Oaths, Including Suspended Prime Minister
Paetongtarn Shinawatra was suspended as prime minister Tuesday, the same day Thailand's king endorsed a Cabinet lineup in which she would be the culture minister. Paetongtarn was smiling as she arrived at Government House for the swearing-in ceremony with other new members, but did not answer questions. Acting Prime Minister Suriya Jungrungreangkit led the new Cabinet members at the ceremony to receive the endorsement from King Maha Vajiralongkorn. Suriya is expected later to assign the acting prime minister duty to Phumtham Wechayachai, who was sworn in Thursday as deputy prime minister and interior minister. Phumtham had been deputy prime minister and defense minister since Paetongtarn took office last year.
Paetongtarn has faced growing dissatisfaction over her handling of a border dispute with Cambodia, including an armed confrontation in May in which a Cambodian soldier was killed. In a leaked phone call with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen, she attempted to defuse tensions–but instead set off a string of complaints and public protests. Critics said she went too far in appeasing Hun Sen and damaged Thailand's image and reputation.
The Constitutional Court voted unanimously Tuesday to review a petition accusing her of a breach of ethics and voted seven to two to immediately suspend her until it issues its ruling. The court gave Paetongtarn fifteen days to give evidence to support her case. It's unclear when it will rule.
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Asharq Al-Awsat
20 hours ago
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Hezbollah Prepares for Cabinet Arms Talks with Candid Aoun Meeting
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Sources familiar with the political maneuvering told Asharq al-Awsat the real challenge lies not in holding the session or reaffirming the principle of exclusive state arms—already enshrined in the ministerial agenda—but in establishing a clear timetable for disarmament and securing its approval by the government. Prime Minister Nawaf Salam underscored that point in a speech marking the 80th anniversary of the Lebanese Army on Friday, saying: 'There will be no salvation for Lebanon without serious efforts to place all arms under the sole control of our army. Stability can only come through extending the state's authority over all Lebanese territory, in line with the Taif Agreement and our government's ministerial statement.' The Lebanese presidency did not officially acknowledge the meeting between Raad and General Aoun, while Hezbollah's media outlets offered a brief account, describing it as a 'candid discussion on many files' and 'positive, pending further developments.' No agreement emerged from the meeting on a binding mechanism, according to sources speaking to Asharq al-Awsat. Instead, it opened the door for continued high-level dialogue between Aoun, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, and Prime Minister Salam—raising the likelihood that ministers from Hezbollah and its ally Amal movement may attend Tuesday's session, even though no final decision has been made. Political contacts in Beirut are now focused on formulating proposals that would help the cabinet avoid internal friction while also satisfying international demands. One such suggestion, according to sources, involves reaffirming the government's commitment to the exclusive possession of weapons—already included in the ministerial declaration—while deferring implementation details to the Supreme Defense Council and the army. Various domestic political forces are said to be involved in refining this compromise. 'These proposals aim to prevent the session from becoming a flashpoint for open confrontation between the state and Hezbollah,' the sources said. 'There is broad recognition—especially among the country's top three leaders—that this moment calls for safeguarding stability and preserving the space for dialogue.' Sources close to Parliament viewed the mere occurrence of the meeting between Raad and Aoun as a 'positive' sign that major escalation was not imminent. 'It opened a channel to dispel mutual concerns,' one MP told Asharq al-Awsat, noting that Aoun began his public comments on disarmament by aligning himself with key Lebanese demands that Hezbollah itself shares. These include the Israeli withdrawal from occupied Lebanese territory, halting violations of the ceasefire agreement—such as targeted assassinations—and launching reconstruction efforts and prisoner releases. Hezbollah, in turn, sees the meeting as part of its ongoing dialogue with Aoun, particularly in light of his recent speech urging movement on the disarmament issue. According to sources close to the group, Hezbollah agrees with Aoun's remarks but insists that other points warrant further discussion—especially given continued Israeli aggression and occupation of Lebanese land. Addressing such sensitive matters publicly, they argue, weakens Lebanon's position under international pressure. 'We need unity, not fragmentation,' one Hezbollah source said. 'This is a time to consolidate our strength, not expose our internal divisions.' Hezbollah has long argued that it has met its obligations under the ceasefire deal, including withdrawing from south of the Litani River, exercising restraint over Israeli violations, and refraining from joining Iran's military operations—underscoring that its weapons serve a local, not external, role. The group also highlights its role in Lebanon's political process, saying it has cooperated constructively on reform efforts and consistently supported dialogue. Lebanese officials have privately acknowledged mounting international pressure—particularly from the United States and Israel—to implement a disarmament plan with a clear timeline. While Israel continues to carry out airstrikes, US envoy Thomas Barrack recently delivered a paper of demands to Beirut that went beyond the existing ceasefire terms. He offered no guarantees but promised to present the document to Israeli officials once Lebanon accepted it. Aoun confirmed on Thursday that the Lebanese authorities are committed to 'disarming all armed groups, including Hezbollah.' In doing so, he revealed the contents of Lebanon's demands and sought to reassure Hezbollah's base by incorporating its concerns into the official memo—while asserting that the state remains the sole negotiator in resolving the crisis. He also called on Hezbollah to fulfill its responsibilities in that regard.
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Why is the US easing sanctions on Myanmar's junta?
In a significant policy shift, the US last week announced the partial lifting of sanctions on Myanmar's junta. The new measures allow transactions involving Myanmar's central bank and certain state-owned enterprises, including Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise. The move came shortly after news that Myanmar's top general had written to President Donald Trump, expressing optimism for improved relations. US officials clarified there was no connection between the sanctions decision and the letter. Nevertheless, the timing and scope of the changes merit close examination, especially considering their impact on the ongoing civil war, the Rohingya crisis and broader regional dynamics. Myanmar remains locked in a violent civil conflict that erupted following the 2021 military coup. Resistance movements — including the national unity government and various ethnic armed groups — have gained significant momentum across the country. The military regime has responded with airstrikes, mass arrests and the restriction of humanitarian access, particularly in contested areas. Against this backdrop, sanctions targeting Myanmar's central bank and the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise had served as a key element of international pressure, restricting the regime's access to foreign currency and limiting its ability to finance military operations. The easing of these restrictions comes at a moment when the junta is under increasing pressure on the battlefield and in international forums. Supporters of the policy change point to the need for humanitarian flexibility and concerns over unintended consequences in the region's financial sector. Several banks in Southeast Asia had reportedly begun derisking operations involving Myanmar, making it harder for aid organizations and third-party financial institutions to operate. The updated policy aims to mitigate those effects while continuing to target individuals and entities directly involved in abuses. The policy shift has important consequences for the Rohingya, who remain some of the most vulnerable people in Myanmar. An estimated 600,000 Rohingya still live in Rakhine State under conditions of extreme repression, while nearly 1 million remain in refugee camps in Bangladesh. Humanitarian agencies continue to report that access to food, medicine and aid in northern Rakhine is severely restricted. A recent report by the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK detailed the use of starvation as a weapon of war in Rohingya areas, with dozens already reported dead from hunger and lack of medical care. Lifting some restrictions on financial transactions with state-owned enterprises does not directly address this crisis, but observers hope it could open new diplomatic channels and enable greater international engagement on humanitarian access. It also comes at a time when international aid to the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh is declining sharply. With funding cuts and a deteriorating situation on the ground, any policy that could improve coordination or unlock new avenues of support is being closely watched by humanitarian actors. Any policy that could improve coordination or unlock new avenues of support is being closely watched by humanitarian actors. Dr. Azeem Ibrahim The easing of sanctions may also reflect evolving geopolitical realities. Myanmar sits at a crucial crossroads between South Asia, Southeast Asia and China. For years, Beijing has deepened its influence in Myanmar through infrastructure projects and strategic partnerships. Any steps that reduce Myanmar's economic dependence on China or open space for engagement with international actors may serve broader regional objectives. In addition, restoring limited financial access for Myanmar's central institutions could support nongovernmental and cross-border aid flows, allowing for greater humanitarian flexibility in areas not under junta control. A careful calibration of sanctions may be part of a broader strategy to preserve humanitarian space while maintaining pressure on the military leadership. Neighboring countries such as Bangladesh, Thailand and India will be watching these developments closely. Bangladesh, in particular, is bearing the brunt of the regional fallout, hosting hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees for more than seven years. With international support decreasing and no immediate solution in sight, Dhaka has repeatedly called for renewed efforts to facilitate the voluntary, safe and dignified repatriation of the Rohingya to Myanmar. If the policy shift from Washington signals a potential diplomatic opening, it could also reinvigorate discussions around the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and other regional actors in supporting a political settlement. Malaysia and Indonesia have pushed for greater engagement on Myanmar within ASEAN, while other states have emphasized noninterference. A more flexible US posture could help bridge these differences and encourage coordinated regional approaches. The US decision to lift certain sanctions on Myanmar represents a notable recalibration of policy. While the full consequences remain to be seen, the move creates space for potential humanitarian and diplomatic gains. The civil war continues to evolve and new approaches may be needed to address the complex realities on the ground. Going forward, it will be important for Washington and its partners to maintain clear conditions and expectations regarding human rights, access to aid and political inclusion. By carefully managing this new phase of engagement, the international community can continue to support the people of Myanmar — including the Rohingya — in their pursuit of peace, dignity and justice.
