Ramaphosa must step down 'in honour of Mandela Day' – or else: MK Party
Ramaphosa has placed police minister Senzo Mchunu on special leave of absence pending a commission of inquiry into allegations of political interference in police investigations, a move the party opposed.
'The MK Party calls on Ramaphosa and the government of national unity to respect the voice of the people before irreparable damage is done to South Africa's democratic institutions,' spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela said.
'The time for accountability and ethical leadership is now.'
On Sunday Ramaphosa announced a commission of inquiry, chaired by acting deputy chief justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, would be established to probe allegations made by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, alleging political interference in police investigations.
Wits law professor Firoz Cachalia was appointed acting police minister.
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Daily Maverick
6 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
Reports link Cyril Ramaphosa campaign to shadowy figure at the heart of cop scandal
Brown Mogotsi, once a key lobbyist for the President's 2017 ANC leadership bid, is now accused of acting as a go-between for Police Minister Senzo Mchunu and alleged crime boss 'Cat' Matlala. He is the shadowy figure at the heart of explosive allegations made by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi – and in the past, he has aligned himself strongly with the politics of President Cyril Ramaphosa. Media reports from around 2017 show that Brown Mogotsi was a fairly high‑profile lobbyist for the ANC presidential campaign of Ramaphosa before the party's elective conference at Nasrec in December 2017. A Sunday Times report from May 2017 names Mogotsi as the 'organiser' of a pro-Ramaphosa lobby group that included regional and provincial ANC leaders. At the time, Mogotsi publicly urged Ramaphosa to leave his Cabinet post if then President Jacob Zuma would not endorse Ramaphosa as his successor. A year later, a Daily Maverick article would refer to Mogotsi as a 'known Ramaphosa campaigner in North West', at the time taking court action against Ramaphosa's perceived political enemies. The Presidency had not responded to Daily Maverick's questions about the nature of Ramaphosa's relationship with Mogotsi, if any, by the time of publication. But the apparent overlap of political circles raises further uncomfortable issues for an administration that came to power on a reformist agenda – and is now being accused of being in unsettling proximity to a complex criminal web. Mogotsi alleged to be go-between for criminal and police minister In Mkhwanazi's provocative 6 July press conference, he accused Mogotsi of acting as an intermediary between Police Minister Senzo Mchunu and alleged criminal Vusimuzi 'Cat' Matlala, who Mkhwanazi claims is at 'the centre of a sophisticated criminal syndicate operating at the highest levels of the state'. The allegations would subsequently see Ramaphosa place Mchunu on suspension pending an investigation. In particular, Mkhwanazi alleged that there are phone records showing communications and financial transactions between Mchunu, Mogotsi and Matlala, with Matlala allegedly providing Mchunu and Mogotsi with financial support in exchange for having investigations into him lifted. Critical to all this is Mchunu's disbanding of the Political Killings Task Team in December 2024. One of Mkhwanazi's claims is that the task team was going after Matlala, and that it was Mogotsi who sent Matlala a message to tell him that the task team would be disbanded. Mkhwanazi has yet to provide any public evidence of his claims. But Mchunu did himself no favours in the court of public opinion by seeming to do a U-turn on the question of whether he knew Mogotsi. In Parliament in March, Mchunu claimed to have no association with Mogotsi. Yet in a statement on 9 July, in response to the Mkhwanazi press conference, Mchunu said that he 'knows and has met Mr Brown Mogotsi', but described him as 'just a comrade and not an associate of the minister'. In papers lodged on Wednesday, 23 July, in response to the MK party's legal challenge to Mchunu's suspension, Mchunu conceded that he had 'interacted with Mr Mogotsi since 2017, in the presence of other comrades'. Mchunu elaborated further: 'He is a comrade, as we are members of the same political party and have engaged on party and service delivery matters on a number of occasions'. Who is Brown Mogotsi? The man from North West who campaigned so ardently for Ramaphosa in 2017 is shrouded in mystery. Company records scrutinised by Daily Maverick show that Mogotsi was previously listed as a director of some eight companies, including one called 'North West Crimebusters'. All are registered as inactive today. Mogotsi described himself to the Sunday Times in 2017 as an 'ordinary ANC member', but City Press recorded earlier this month that he is 'close to the top echelons of the ANC, including several ministers, especially those who served in MK'. City Press also described him as owning an upmarket bar in Mafikeng from where he is known to 'summon HODs and MECs for instructions on tenders'. Exactly where this apparent political muscle stems from is unclear. Perhaps most curious has been Mogotsi's habit of trying to meddle in provincial politics through a vehicle called the Brown Mogotsi Foundation. Through this, he was instrumental in forcing then North West Premier Supra Mahumapelo out of office in 2018, at least partly because of Mahumapelo's support for Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, rather than Ramaphosa, at the ANC's 2017 Nasrec conference. Most recently, Mogotsi claimed to be an undercover police informant who played a role in the arrest of fugitive rapist Thabo Bester. This smacks of fantasy – but Mogotsi does seem to have access to police intel, if you believe Mkhwanazi. The KZN police commissioner said in his press briefing that Mogotsi had messaged him last September with a picture of a register that is only supposed to be accessible to police. Mogotsi also appears to have knowledge of the law from the other side: he reportedly has at least three previous criminal convictions, including one for assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm. Mkhwanazi allegations are a political firestorm for Ramaphosa To understand why Mkhwanazi's claims amount to such a political headache for Ramaphosa, it's helpful to revisit the political context leading up to the ANC's elective conference at Nasrec in 2017. Senzo Mchunu was one of Ramaphosa's closest allies and was endorsed by Ramaphosa as his preferred candidate, on his 'slate', for secretary general. Mchunu was absolutely critical to Ramaphosa's campaigning because his constituency was in KwaZulu-Natal: the ANC's largest province by membership, and whose delegates to the elective conference were expected to fall in line with former president Jacob Zuma's endorsement and vote for Dlamini Zuma. Throughout the campaign, Mchunu leveraged his regional influence to rally ANC branches and delegates in support of Ramaphosa's message of reform. Notably, local ANC structures that aligned with Mchunu and Ramaphosa faced pushback from the Zuma-aligned KZN leadership; for instance, the ANC's KZN provincial executive committee moved to disband the Lower South Coast regional leadership, which had been campaigning for Ramaphosa, a move widely seen as an attempt to thwart that region's pro-Ramaphosa campaign. This illustrates how Mchunu actively mobilised support for Ramaphosa, triggering resistance from the opposing faction in the province. Mchunu's political role in KZN significantly influenced the dynamics of the 2017 Nasrec conference. By delivering a portion of the KZN delegates to Ramaphosa, Mchunu materially helped narrow the gap between Ramaphosa and Dlamini Zuma. And although it may have been the recently deceased David Mabuza whose Mpumalanga delegates ultimately handed victory to Ramaphosa, Mchunu's contribution cannot be discounted. Mchunu himself would narrowly (and controversially) lose the secretary-general position at that conference to Ace Magashule. But Ramaphosa went on to repay Mchunu for his support with a series of Cabinet posts in which his brand has been low-visibility and also low-controversy. 'While some of Mchunu's leading contemporaries in the ANC have been entangled in one form of scandal or another while amassing fortunes dubiously, the former teacher has largely stayed clear of adverse publicity,' veteran KwaZulu-Natal journalist Cyril Madlala wrote of him in Daily Maverick. That all changed for Mchunu on 6 July with Mkhwanazi's press conference. How much truth is there in the Mkhwanazi allegations? Ramaphosa has acted swiftly on the Mkhwanazi claims: suspending Mchunu and establishing a commission of inquiry to be helmed by Acting Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga. The President has also suddenly taken action against South Gauteng director of public prosecutions Andrew Chauke – almost two years after National Prosecuting Authority boss Shamila Batohi wrote to Ramaphosa to request his suspension, citing serious concerns about Chauke'sconduct in office – multiple questionable decisions, delays and failures to prosecute high-profile cases involving State Capture and corruption. When Daily Maverick asked the Presidency this week if Ramaphosa's sudden action on Chauke was prompted by the Mkhwanazi press conference, spokesperson Vincent Magwenya demurred, saying: 'The Chauke matter predates Mkhwanazi's allegations.' Yet it is notable that among Mkhwanazi's allegations was that the criminal syndicate he claims to have identified includes 'prosecutors in Gauteng province'. Many South Africans have expressed gratitude to Mkhwanazi for having seemingly prompted unusually decisive action from Ramaphosa – despite the fact that Mkhwanazi's claims remain wholly untested. It remains to be seen what evidence Mkhwanazi will turn over to the Madlanga Commission. But one aspect of the claims – that Mchunu ordered the shuttering of the Political Killings Task Team in December 2024 – did attract attention at the time for being a strange decision. One KwaZulu-Natal expert termed it 'bizarre' at the time, on the grounds that political assassinations tend to increase ahead of local government elections, which are scheduled for 2026. If the commission confirms Mkhwanazi's claims, it will mark a dramatic fall from grace for a political grouping heralded in 2017 as ushering in a new climate of clean governance in stark contrast to the dark days of State Capture. DM
IOL News
8 hours ago
- IOL News
BRICS and G20 poised to reshape geopolitical landscape
President Cyril Ramaphosa addressing the G20 High Level Opening Session on the margins of the 79th Session of the General Assembly in New York. South Africa assumed the G20 Presidency this year under the theme 'Solidarity, Equality and Sustainable Development'. Image: Kopano Tlape| GCIS Ashraf Patel In 2025, the scale, scope, and velocity of Trumpism are so disruptive that new forms of partnerships are evolving in ensuring the global governance consensus and saving UN Multilateralism. The Global South nations, especially G77, desperately need multilateralism to function and for fair WTO and WHO to work in order to broaden the benefits of trade, financial reforms and any hope for the UN SDGs. The BRICS Rio communique in July is significant. The 130-point plus final declaration, not only thoroughly detailing every major issue, with calculated moderation, but resolutely setting a trademark BRICS tone – and a clear set of humanistic values – focused in three strategic pillars: economy-finance; designing a new global security framework; and cultural and people-to-people exchanges, the over-arching umbrella of inclusiveness and mutual respect. The following week, the G20 Finance Ministers (minus the US ) meeting in Zimbali was unable to reach a consensus statement on key issues of global minimum tax and African debt relief. While both the BRICS and G7 core are members of these groupings, prioritising different themes and modalities is proving illusory. Saving Multilateralism Both G20 and BRICS blocs are converging out of necessity at this moment in time. The BRICS Rio July 2025 declaration is groundbreaking in its scope and depth and committee clarity in saving the UN system and reforming multilateral institutions for common development and humanity, adopting the Leaders framework, declaration on Climate Finance, AI Governance and Partnership on Elimination of Diseases. (BRICS Rio Declaration ) In an age where AI is leading to deepening inequalities and disruptions, the BRICS commitment to AI Governance shows a deep commitment to multilateralism. Aligned to the UN Pact for the Future, the BRICS declaration is rooted in UN principles that balance both Digital Industrialisation, AI inclusion and privacy safeguards. There is good alignment with both G7 and G20 and the new EU AI Act. Ruptures in peace, security and climate pathways Despite these new alignments between both Global North and South formations in saving multilateralism, it is in the area of Peace and Security where major real geopolitics come into play. The BRICS plus is anchored in the Non-Aligned movement, while the core G7 is still committed to preserving Western hegemony. Indeed, the announcement by NATO and EU core states in increasing defence budgets to 5% of GDP - and the drastic cuts in development aid is sobering and will negatively impact the UN Development agenda. Here, realpolitik rooted in geo-political fractures is laid bare in the grave conflicts of Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, DRC, Libya and numerous war zones. Here, the UN SC have so far failed to find consensus. Groups such as the Hague Group, which are examples of responsible nations committed to international law, are converging to confront the Genocide in Gaza, and such formations can catalyse new UN reforms and preserve the UN Charter. Finance reform and the African Debt crisis Last week's G20 Finance ministers meeting and the lack of any concrete agreement on Africa's debt crisis or global minimum tax expose the lack of coherence in the G20 model. The G20 Common Framework is essential in committing nations to financial reforms. So far, ministers are engaged in merely the 'MDB Roadmaps', essentially talks about talks, a painful road that does not guarantee a global finance and tax deal. Sadly, given that the G20 in 2025 is billed as the African Union's year, its core development agenda relevant to Africa is still elusive, and unlikely to bear fruit. SA is now 'treading lightly 'as we hand over our G20 baton to the Trump administration later this year, which has stated it will ignore most of our G20 agenda. The EU's Climate Moment of Truth arrives. Another area that is unravelling is the pathways to climate change mitigation. The EU, which has been the standard bearer of climate and the 'Just Energy Transition JET agenda, faces its moment of Truth. The scale of scope of Europe's Big Oil scouring Africa is a throwback to the early 20th-century colonialisation of Africa. Today, it's Oil giants - BP, Total, Shell, ENI - are making a big play for oil and gas in African states like Angola, Mozambique and Nigeria. This is akin to the early 20th century great oil frontier. In South Africa, Shell Oil is embroiled in yet another controversial exploration in the Karoo and Northern Cape. Meanwhile, South Africa's leading coal export destination are EU nations including Germany and the UK that are supposedly at the forefront of the Just Energy Transition (JET). The EU and G7's signature JET project is riddled with contradiction and will make the UN COP 30 deal much more difficult, as the EU wants 'Green cake and Oil'. The EU's CBAM program further raises trade barriers for Africa, leading to further deindustrialisation and job losses, thus fuelling the migration crisis northwards. Its glaring contradictions are no longer tenable as the EU is no different from the Trump administration's stated policy- 'Drill Baby Drill'. The EU is drilling for oil in Africa and globally, but not in their backyards. As the Trump 2.0 trade wars and economic nationalism deepens, an unlikely alliance of G20, BRICS and G77 can play a central role in saving multilateralism, the UN and global governance- but each with a vastly different focus and modalities. Will a new consensus emerge and the centre hold or rupture? * Ashraf Patel is a Senior Research Associate at the Institute for Global Dialogue, UNISA. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
The Citizen
10 hours ago
- The Citizen
Zondo blasts Ramaphosa over state capture and corrupt ministers
Zondo speaks of his 'pain' in swearing in corrupt ministers. Chief Justice Raymond Zondo (L) hands over the state capture report to President Cyril Ramaphosa at the Union Building in Pretoria. Picture: Twitter/@PresidencyZA Former chief justice Raymond Zondo has expressed the pain he had to ensure to swear in corrupt cabinet ministers who had serious state capture findings against them Zondo made the remarks on the sidelines of a South African Council of Churches (SACC) anti-corruption summit on Wednesday. State capture commission Rampant corruption was revealed during the hearings before the commission chaired by Zondo that was established in January 2018. The commission, which cost close to R1 billion, wrapped up its proceedings with Zondo handing his final report to President Cyril Ramaphosa in June 2022. About 1,400 individuals were implicated during the commission. It exposed corruption at the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (Prasa), State Security Agency (SSA), Eskom and SABC, and called for prosecutions, further probes, and systemic reforms. ALSO READ: 'Ramaphosa will go down in history as one of the most useless presidents' – analyst Corruption Zondo said that more than 30 years after democracy, corruption had reached crippling levels. He delivered a scathing rebuke to Ramaphosa about the ministers he had appointed to be part of his Cabinet, 'It was like the president was saying, 'I don't care what you have found about these people. I think they are good enough to be promoted,'' Zondo told the Sunday Times. 'The recommendations that were made were based on evidence that was led transparently, when the whole nation was watching… We are defending the report because we believe it is sound. 'But yes, I had to swear them in, remembering what I found against them,' Zondo said in an unprecedented attack by such a senior judicial officer on a sitting president. Ramaphosa response While The Citizen has contacted Ramaphosa's spokesperson for comment, he told the paper the president would not be drawn into a public spat with Zondo. 'The former chief justice has had access to the president whenever there were matters of concern to be discussed. 'The president will respond directly to the former chief justice should [he] seek an opportunity to raise his issues through a direct and constructive engagement,' he said. Presidency report In 2023, the Presidency published a detailed report on the implementation of the actions on Ramaphosa's response to the recommendations of the state capture report. It followed Ramaphosa's own 76-page state capture implementation plan, which he submitted to Parliament in October 2022. The president's response to the recommendations of the state capture inquiry outlined his plan of action, as well as his stance and commitment to fighting corruption within the government. ALSO READ: Ramaphosa's actions on state capture are 'major reforms that will take years' – Presidency report Recommendations In its 16 main recommendations, the Zondo commission found that Parliament failed in its oversight role to hold the executive to account after several state institutions were captured, costing the state billions. It said the recommendations by Zondo were mainly in relation to the national legislature's oversight mandate. Mchunu inquiry Referring to the latest inquiry ordered by Ramaphosa, in which acting deputy chief justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga will probe the allegations of KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, Zondo said the way the government had responded to the state capture commission did not bode well. 'My feelings are that people in South Africa have seen how slow the progress is with the implementation of the commission's recommendations, even regarding those recommendations that are being implemented.' '[Will] the same not happen to the [Madlanga] commission … because this commission is also important.' National dialogue Zondo also expressed doubts over the upcoming national dialogue, saying he was concerned about basic failings in the country that should be fixed without having to convene such a forum. 'I don't want to say it's a bad thing … [but] I'm concerned about simple things that don't need a national dialogue. I'm concerned about making sure that in municipalities we have competent people who are doing their job, people who have integrity'. ALSO READ: D-Day for Ramaphosa's plan of action on state capture report 'Ramaphosa inconsistent Zondo told the SACC event on Wednesday that Ramaphosa had been 'inconsistent' in disciplining cabinet ministers implicated in wrongdoing, citing the recent scandals involving the minister of human settlements, Thembi Simelane, embattled police minister Senzo Mchunu, who has been placed on special leave, and the now-fired higher education minister Nobuhle Nkabane. 'So the question arises, what is the rule? As a minister, when do you get shifted to another department and continue to be a minister and enjoy your position and benefits even though there are allegations against you? When do you get out on special leave, and when do you get removed? 'The president is the No. 1 citizen in the country. It is very important that the message he sends, through what he does and through what he says, must be consistent,' Zondo said. Swearing in ministers Zondo said this is similar to what happened two years ago. 'I found myself having to swear in ministers against whom I had made adverse findings in the commission. One was a deputy minister who was now promoted to a full minister, and I had to swear them in, knowing the findings I had made. 'Another one was the deputy minister who was a chairperson of the portfolio committee who had previously been minister of transport, and I had made findings against them, and the president was promoting them despite the findings of the commission. What does that do to our fight against corruption?' Zondo said. Ridding SA of corruption Zondo said for the country to effectively rid itself of corruption, it needs to hold the executive to account and not compromise on those who serve in the highest offices of the land. He said that those facing corruption allegations should not be appointed to any positions. 'There are many people who have no allegations of fraud or corruption hanging over their heads who qualify to be ministers,' said Zondo. 'Even in the same party, there is no reason why somebody should be appointed before they clear themselves of such allegations. But also, there are people in public service who are allowed to continue with their work as usual even when there are findings of wrongdoing against them. The state simply allows them to continue. This is not the kind of leadership we need if we are going to fight corruption.' 'Consequences' In November 2022 in his weekly newsletter, Ramaphosa said there must be consequences for those who had plundered South Africa and involved in state capture. He also said the country had learnt its lesson in plundering money over the years of state capture 'As we recover from state capture, we must ensure there are consequences for the perpetrators of state capture. We also need to make sure that public institutions can never be weakened in this way again,' Ramaphosa said. Ramaphosa said South Africa needed to build a public service that is professional, ethical and driven by merit. ALSO READ: WATCH: Moeletsi Mbeki criticises Ramaphosa: 'He's been a very weak president'
