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Call for Medicaid work requirements is greeted by a chorus of boos

Call for Medicaid work requirements is greeted by a chorus of boos

Boston Globe14-06-2025
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What Archambault does not acknowledge is that Medicaid serves the working poor, which includes low-wage workers who are working multiple part-time jobs that don't provide coverage or positions that fall just below the threshold that would qualify them for coverage by their employer (an all-too-common practice by companies to avoid providing benefits).
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Moreover, some family members who are caregivers might not be able to meet the work requirement. In a June 2 op-ed,
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Finally, this hyperfocus on which low-income people deserve access to subsidized medical care distracts from what should be the primary focus: that our federal leaders are promising 'savings' on the cost of benefits in order to advance massive tax cuts that will benefit the wealthy and increase the national debt.
Rosemarie Buxton
Haverhill
With health care costs skyrocketing, reform is needed — but not this kind
My Pioneer Institute colleague, Josh Archambault, is correct that we do need Medicaid reform, but the solutions he offers, an old trope of work-or-volunteer remedies that recall the 'welfare queen' stereotype of 40 years ago, will
As Archambault states, the original idea behind national Medicaid was to provide health insurance to seniors and people who are blind or have other disabilities. Over time, however, rapidly escalating health care costs strained the limits of employer-sponsored health insurance, and by 1995 the
Since that time, Massachusetts has chosen policies to expand health insurance coverage. Eligibility for Medicaid, known here as MassHealth, has grown to include those who are not only below poverty lines but also those who are at certain levels above poverty rates. This includes nondisabled people and many more children.
At the same time, health care prices in Massachusetts have skyrocketed, with
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Barbara Anthony
Cambridge
The writer is a senior fellow at the Pioneer Institute and former undersecretary of the Massachusetts Office of Consumer Affairs and Business Regulation.
National health safety net is frayed enough as it is
Josh Archambault's op-ed does nothing to advance an important debate around our national health safety net. The situation is far more complicated than the talking points he offers.
An estimated
We have seen this before. When Arkansas and Georgia implemented work requirements, most of the people who lost coverage actually met the requirements but got caught up in red tape. We hear from callers every day on
We stand with the Massachusetts congressional delegation in pushing back against the unprecedented health care cuts in the House bill.
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Amy Rosenthal
Executive director
Health Care for All
Boston
Instead of prodding the 'able-bodied,' strengthen workforce development
Josh Archambault's argument that imposing work requirements on 'able-bodied' adults who receive Medicaid will improve health is wrong on several levels.
First, multiple evaluations of the Affordable Care Act Medicaid expansion demonstrate improved health overall and improved outcomes for specific populations (for example, reduced deaths from opioid use). The
Second, evaluations of the impact of work requirements for welfare recipients have generally shown the initial increased work participation failed to sustain income or reduce poverty over time because of low wages and insufficient work supports.
Third, to get Medicaid via disability, people must meet strict Social Security definitions of disability — a high severity bar — and large numbers of people with significant disabilities do not. Many of the 'nondisabled' childless adults on Medicaid have major mental health conditions, substance use disorders, and developmental disorders, including autism, that significantly affect their ability to succeed in the workforce. The population of low-income adults who became eligible for Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act also includes many parents, who too would be subject to paperwork burdens every six months.
Work that provides a living wage is a desirable outcome. Rather than imposing burdensome administrative requirements, real reform means strengthening workforce development policies — at all ages — through apprenticeship programs, other training work, coaching, reliable hours and transportation, and other policies that encourage jobs for previously unemployed people.
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Real reform also means strengthening health care prevention and promotion. MassHealth has taken clear leadership in promoting comprehensive primary care by transforming payment systems and providing incentives for team care, including the integration of mental-behavioral health care. Such efforts should be amplified rather than impeded through work requirement efforts.
Dr. James M. Perrin
Boston
Dr. Charles J. Homer
Brookline
Perrin is a professor emeritus of pediatrics at Harvard Medical School and John C. Robinson Distinguished Chair in Pediatrics at MassGeneral Brigham for Children and former president of the American Academy of Pediatrics. Homer is senior adviser at Economic Mobility Pathways and former deputy assistant secretary, human services policy, at the US Department of Health and Human Services.
The less fortunate don't need more hoops to jump through
There are a number of sleights of hand in Josh Archambault's call for Medicaid reform, not the least of which is judging a program that pays for access to our medical system by the outcomes provided by that system. But it's his call for government-mandated community engagement as a condition for having your doctor's visit subsidized that is truly gobsmacking.
It was not so long ago that such a proposal would be derided by conservatives as government social engineering because, among other things, it's literally that. Does Archambault truly believe that the federal government is capable of creating a meaningful social fabric for the less fortunate among us, or does he think that, as proven time and time again, adding requirements to social safety net benefits will simply discourage recipients from applying, thus reducing the costs of the programs?
Saul Tannenbaum
Boston
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Care about babies and moms? This Big Beautiful Bill cut should scare you
Care about babies and moms? This Big Beautiful Bill cut should scare you

Miami Herald

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  • Miami Herald

Care about babies and moms? This Big Beautiful Bill cut should scare you

An unseen provision in the recent congressional overhaul of Medicaid will bankrupt poor families with sick newborns — and raise costs for us all. Hidden within the 940 pages of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act is a reduction in Medicaid's ability to pay for care retroactively (care that has already been delivered) from 90 to 60 days. Shortening this window of payment targets parents of newborns, and will burden families with thousands of dollars of medical debt. Neonatologists and pediatricians care for critically-ill babies, including those with prematurity or congenital heart or intestinal defects. Many of the premature infants we care for have missed an entire trimester of development. Weighing 1 to 2 pounds at birth, they must overcome underdeveloped lungs, brains and immune systems. Their complex and expensive care begins in the first seconds of life. There is no time to apply for Medicaid. The previous 90-day retroactive period accounted for the practical aspects of applying for health insurance while being a new mother. Parents face obstacles negotiating the Medicaid system, especially in the context of a traumatic birth. A new mom recovering from a complicated delivery or cesarean section, and dealing with postpartum complications while trying to learn how to care for a newborn is not well positioned to immediately submit a Medicaid application. Additionally, it takes states — which control Medicaid enrollment — time to confirm parental income, residency and other requirements to qualify for Medicaid. The process can be cumbersome and is prone to backlogs. Nationally, roughly 15% of Medicaid applications are excessively delayed, meaning even if superhuman mothers applied the day their infant was born, many would be forced to pay for the first two weeks of neonatal intensive care, which costs $10,000 to $20,000 a day — too expensive for all of us. Ironically, this measure comes at a time when the White House is actively trying to increase the U.S. birth rate through baby-friendly policies such as one-time cash incentives of $5,000 per baby and federally subsidized fertility education. The problem is significant. Medicaid remains the largest single insurer of children, and pays for 40% of all newborns. Critically ill babies are overrepresented in Medicaid, as almost half rely on the program for coverage. Now, parents will receive astronomical medical bills when in the past Medicaid covered babies from their birthday. Parents of healthy newborns will be affected too. A healthy newborn spends 2 to 4 days in the hospital and typically has three or more outpatient visits in the first month of life. All these medical services risk being unpaid under the shorter retroactive period. Our fellow pediatricians are already worried the newborn care they provide will be unpaid, and they will have to limit the number of babies they see. The consequences will impact us all. Children's hospitals are tied to Medicaid payments, as the overwhelming majority of hospital care is paid for by Medicaid. This means children's hospitals run on incredibly small margins and will not be able to absorb the expected millions in uncompensated care that will result from this policy. The inevitable consequence will be reduced newborn services, especially in rural and underserved regions. The policy's defenders argue that shortening this period of coverage would reduce state costs and improve efficiency. But this ignores other reforms placed on state Medicaid offices. Not only have states been unable to verify all Medicaid recipients within 60 days, but they now will deal with tens of thousands of re-applications filed by patients every six months as part of new regulations. The increased bureaucracy requires agencies to verify more information about applicants, such as work requirements and immigration status. Our medical colleagues and even state Medicaid officials are concerned about the ability of these offices to handle the increased workload. Cost savings are similarly illusory. Uncompensated care does not disappear — it shifts. Hospitals forced to bear unpaid bills will inevitably raise costs elsewhere, usually from those of us with private insurance. That forces insurance carriers to raise premiums, copays and costs for things such as lab work or CT scans on all of us. Further, private insurance will likely follow Medicaid's lead in shortening retroactive coverage, which would pass along even more expense. This new Medicaid restriction has not received much attention compared to the massive spending cuts and deficit increases created by the new law. Unnoticed by the public, shortening retroactive coverage will impact neonatal intensive care, newborn health and force all of us to pay more over time. For babies, families and those who care for them, this legislative measure proves the devil really is in the details. Neonatologist Shetal Shah and pediatrician Marsha Spitzer are both past presidents of local chapters of the American Academy of Pediatrics.

Did Trump just inadvertently help California save its high-speed rail?
Did Trump just inadvertently help California save its high-speed rail?

San Francisco Chronicle​

time4 hours ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Did Trump just inadvertently help California save its high-speed rail?

Will we take it? Of course, Trump offered this opportunity in a nasty way. He had the Federal Railroad Administration claw back $4 billion for construction, and declared that he had killed a 'train to nowhere.' Yes, I realize that removing billions from a famously underfunded project wouldn't normally be good news. But we don't live in normal times or a normal country. These days, many us are motivated to act just because our enemies hate the idea. So, when Trump declares he is killing something, he is really offering a neo-fascist version of the biblical mark of Cain — a punishment that also confers a superpower. In Genesis, God banishes Cain for murdering his brother Abel, but also places a 'mark' of protection on Cain so that no one will kill him. Getting attacked by Trump delivers a similar protective mark — even a new lease on life. After the president cut Medicaid, the health program for the poor surged in popularity. When Trump blasted Europe's progressive policies, more Americans sought to move there. And Trump's lawless immigration raids inspired dramatic changes in public support for immigrants. A record-high 79% of Americans now call immigration a 'good thing' for the country. Now Trump's mark is working its magic on high-speed rail. After nearly two decades of indifferent pursuit of the project, the state's leaders are rallying to defend it. After Trump's claw-back, California Attorney General Rob Bonta filed a lawsuit demanding all $4 billion returned. Gov. Gavin Newsom, long a skeptic on high-speed rail, now rallies behind it. The High-Speed Rail Authority, usually cautious politically, is blasting the Trump administration. Such shows of support are, put simply, unprecedented. While California Republicans have been most outspoken in criticizing high-speed rail, the state's Democratic establishment has been its real opposition. That's because high-speed rail wasn't a Democratic idea or a priority. Future-minded governor Jerry Brown championed high-speed rail in the 1970s, but got nowhere. Approval for the project came instead from California voters in 2008, thanks to a ballot initiative campaign led by the independent state lawmaker Quentin Kopp. Since then, California Democrats have often quietly registered support for the project in public while seeking to undermine it in private. Democratic legislators don't like building things, especially expensive infrastructure. They prefer to spend on labor interests that fund campaigns, and on social programs that benefit California voters. In recent years, legislative leaders have sought to repurpose high-speed rail funds for regional projects, especially in Southern California. Then, in 2019, Newsom used his state of the state speech to criticize the program and shrink its starting construction footprint to a 171-mile stretch connecting Merced and Bakersfield. The speech made it sound like Newsom was abandoning high-speed rail, and the first Trump administration followed up by withholding hundreds of millions for the project. Subsequent headlines (and even columnists) suggested the project was dead. But facing death, high-speed rail has made real progress in the current decade. Construction on the first phase, in the Central Valley, has produced more than 50 new structures for the rail project. Officials completed environmental reviews on the 463 miles from L.A. to San Jose. Caltrain electrified its Bay Area corridor, a prerequisite for expanding high-speed rail service there. Earlier this year, crews began the process of laying track, with the railhead groundbreaking at Bakersfield. Trump's current attack only highlights this progress. As the president lies, California responds with photos of all that has been built. The state also stands a good chance of winning back the $4 billion in court — the money is already obligated under legally binding agreements. Politically, Trump's attack is an enormous gift. Backers of the project, long a punching bag for populists, now have their own populist target: the dictatorial president who seeks to cancel America's only public high-speed rail. Already, state officials are putting Trump on the defensive. They say Trump is providing a gift to China, which has built the world's most robust high-speed rail network. They note that he's hurting his own voters, by canceling a construction project in the conservative Central Valley. They remind Californians that he's pulling billions from high-speed rail based on personal animus toward a state that doesn't like him. 'Trump's termination of federal grants for California high-speed rail reeks of politics,' Newsom said after the cancellation. 'It's yet another political stunt to punish California.' But Trumpian punishment also opens new possibilities. With the incompetent and corrupt federal administration no longer involved in the project, private investors might be willing to jump in. Recently the state has been discussing a $1 billion annual investment in the project, along with new public-private partnerships. Polls now show support as high as 67% for high-speed rail — twice Trump's approval rating in the state. Make this a contest between fast new trains and an aging autocrat, and California wins.

Will Rural America give up on Trump? These small-town activists think so.
Will Rural America give up on Trump? These small-town activists think so.

USA Today

time5 hours ago

  • USA Today

Will Rural America give up on Trump? These small-town activists think so.

Rural organizers say Medicaid and SNAP cuts could help Democrats win rural votes in 2026. Republicans say: Don't count on it. Dom Holmes, 28, has learned something important in 10 years of organizing progressives in rural Pennsylvania: You can't just show up when you need people to turn out to vote. You have to sit and listen to them. In recent weeks, when he's stopped to listen, he's gotten an earful about the tax and spending bill the Republican-led Congress passed in July. 'Folks are especially worried about how that's going to impact them at the local level,' he said. They're particularly "outraged," he said, about cuts to food stamps and Medicaid and the likely damage to rural hospitals. 'Folks should be aware of what the impact ‒ immediate and not ‒ will be on them and they should know who brought that impact to their community; who brought it home to them." His message is being echoed by rural organizers across the country who told USA TODAY that now is the time to talk with rural voters about the cuts in the GOP's landmark law ‒ and who voted for them. Rural Democrats see implementation of the GOP tax and spending law, combined with other changes from the Trump administration that they say will directly harm rural communities, as a moment Democrats can use to rebuild their brand in what has been MAGA country for a decade. And while national Democrats have their own plans for wading into these communities, the locals say they know these places and their neighbors best. They aren't sitting around, hoping a national group will swoop in. 'I'm a rural Democrat. We don't really tend to wait around. There's already just a ton of stuff happening,' said Matt Hildreth, Executive Director of 'The energy is already happening on the ground.' More: When would Trump's tax and spending bill go into effect? 'The frustration with Republicans is palpable' Republicans control the House by a voting margin of 219 to 212 with four seats currently vacant. Democrats need to win four seats next year to take over the Senate. Gaining control of either chamber would allow Democrats to freeze many of President Donald Trump's policy proposals with two years left in his term. Both parties expect the new spending law, and how voters think about it, to become one of the top issues in the midterm campaigns. There is a frustration growing in rural America and a willingness to be identified as a Democrat that they haven't seen in years, several progressive and Democratic organizing groups told USA TODAY. Building relationships and setting the narrative now is key, they said. 'The frustration with Republicans is palpable,' Hildreth said. 'Maybe we never get the MAGA voters ‒ we probably never will ‒ but there's a ton of independents out there looking at this and just saying, 'man, this isn't what I voted for.'' Hildreth's group is already operating in congressional battleground districts in Iowa, Ohio and Pennsylvania, with a focus on getting people to talk about Medicaid. 'Our whole strategy is built around locals, just the idea that the local messenger is most effective,' he said. 'We need to rebuild the Democratic footprint from the ground up, starting with those vocal locals and localizing the Democratic brand.' The frustration he's hearing from rural communities is about how many of the changes brought by the Trump administration are hitting at once. Rural economies are more likely to rely on a single industry that have a strong connection to federal funding like farming, colleges or health care; all of which have seen changes in the last eight months. They've seen a freeze on farm subsidies as well as an end to public land revenue and clean energy subsidies. 'When you put tariffs on top of Medicaid cuts and you put SNAP on top … and you put the rural services that are being defunded on top of everything else, it's just not sustainable.' Hildreth said. 'It's everything all at once and I honestly don't think anybody in the White House realizes that.' National Democrats and Republicans are busy during Congress' summer break The Democratic National Committee has invested in rural voter engagement for months, including billboard ads near rural hospitals that are likely to close because of the law, and contributed $22,500 a month to Democratic parties in red states and town halls in Republican held districts. "Donald Trump has been disastrous for our rural communities and the DNC will continue to show rural voters exactly how Trump and Republicans have betrayed them at every turn," DNC Deputy Executive Director Libby Schneider said in a statement. Republicans are spending the break talking up the tax and spending law, trying to combat Democrat's attempts to set the narrative that the bill is a tax cut for the rich that hurts the poor and middle class. 'Democrats have cemented their image as snobby, out of touch, and indifferent to the struggles of everyday Americans. They've abandoned rural America by voting against tax cuts, border security, and small businesses. While Democrats recycle fear and slogans, Republicans are delivering real results for working families," said NRCC Spokesman Mike Marinella in a statement. A NRCC memo to House Republicans obtained by Politico tells members that 'the best defense is a good offense,' and says that "this is a critical opportunity to continue to define how this legislation will help every voter and push back on Democrat fearmongering.' It highlights that Republican voters support work requirements and removing ineligible recipients from Medicaid insurance coverage, but the five-page memo doesn't explain how the GOP members of Congress should address the bill's expected hit to rural hospitals. Building on the momentum of protests Stephanie Porta, campaign manager of Battleground Alliance PAC, said progressive advocates in rural areas need to capitalize on the protests that millions of Americans have attended this spring and summer ‒ not just in big cities, but in rural towns. Her organization, a coalition of over 30 national labor, community, and advocacy organizations, has pledged $50 million to try to flip more than 35 vulnerable Republican-held districts in 2026. They want to build on the protests and lean on local organizers to tailor education campaigns to their districts, some of which don't even have a Democratic candidate yet. "They're putting together plans based on what their district looks like and what their member of Congress has done to make sure that the public is educated and aware and that those members of Congress know that the public is unhappy with what they have done,' she said. They've already planned for backpack giveaways as school begins, mock welcome home parties at airports for the members of Congress and canvassing to inform voters about the impacts of the bill. 'There are protests, and then the next step after protest is building the awesome momentum to reach even more people,' Porta said. Proposed cuts are 'motivating folks to speak up' Lily Franklin often drives 10 minutes between houses when she knocks on doors in the Appalachian district where she is running to become a delegate to the Virginia House. She says people are worried about the future of rural health care access and Medicaid. 'There are a lot of hospitals that are at threat in this district, in this region. Folks are already driving an hour to an hour-and-a-half just to seek care,' she said. 'All of these proposed cuts are going to disproportionately hit southwest Virginia and it is motivating folks to speak up and say, hey this isn't what we wanted.' When she knocks on doors, she spends most of the time listening, she said. She grew up in the area and her family has been there for generations. 'They just haven't had anybody show up for them and meet them where they are at, and so half of the battle is talking to voters at their doors, hearing their stories and listening to them,' she said. 'People just want to be heard.' Even though she is running for the state general assembly, people want to talk about how worried they are about the future of rural health care access and Medicaid, she said. They are also worried about other aspects of the new law, like cuts to food benefits and energy assistance, which states will have to help pay for, she said. Franklin outperformed both President Joe Biden in 2020 and Vice President Harris in 2024. She lost her bid to represent the largely rural district that includes Blacksburg and Virginia Tech by just 183 votes. Franklin said several national groups have contacted her 2025 campaign because of how closely she came to flipping such a competitive seat in a rural area. She said Democrats can't swoop in with their messaging and expect it to resonate in every district. 'We've often tried to come up with a message that's hyper-tested in a lab somewhere, but realistically people just want to be heard. That's the secret sauce,' she said.

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