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Afghanistan rejects ICC's ruling on arrest of senior Taliban leaders

Afghanistan rejects ICC's ruling on arrest of senior Taliban leaders

Express Tribune5 days ago
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The spokesperson for the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, Zabihullah Mujahid, has issued a strong rebuttal to the recent ruling by the International Criminal Court (ICC), which called for the arrest and prosecution of senior Taliban leaders, Haibatullah Akhundzada and Abdul Hakim Haqqani.
In a statement issued on Tuesday, Mujahid categorically rejected the authority of the entity known as the "International Court," stating that the Islamic Emirate does not recognise any institution operating under that title, nor do they acknowledge any obligations toward it.
He stated that such declarations and baseless rhetoric would not deter the resolve or legitimate stance of the Islamic Emirate.
Mujahid further condemned the 'hypocrisy' of the international body, citing the ongoing genocide in Gaza, where innocent women and children are being killed daily by the Israeli regime and its foreign allies.
Read More: ICC issues arrest warrants for Taliban leaders over rights abuses
He questioned the credibility of the ICC which, according to him, has failed to take action in the face of such atrocities while focusing its attention on Afghanistan. However, it must be noted that the ICC has issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli defence minister Yoav Gallant.
The spokesperson also highlighted the Islamic Emirate's commitment to justice, asserting that the leadership and officials of the Emirate have established unparalleled justice in Afghanistan based on the sacred laws of Islamic Sharia.
Mujahid made it clear that any labeling of Sharia law as oppressive or against human rights, and any threats of prosecution for those who implement it, reflects an inherent bias against Islam and its legal system.
He further described these actions as an insult to the beliefs of Muslims worldwide and a clear expression of enmity toward the religion. He concluded by reaffirming that the Islamic Emirate remains resolute in its governance, firmly upholding Islamic law, and standing against external interference.
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Plagued by its own contradictions and upsetting its own allies, the administration alienated long-time partners while inadvertently catalysing an emerging geopolitical bloc rooted in the shared experience of imperial exclusion. The BRICS summit in Brazil unfolded against this backdrop. No longer the butt of Western punditry, the bloc has matured into a platform with infrastructural and political density. Ten full members, dozens of interested observers, and over fifty states engaged in formal and informal dialogue suggest a layered institutional emergence, rather than mere rhetorical alignment. Measured by purchasing power, BRICS economies account for nearly half of global GDP and over half of the global population. Their economic trajectories increasingly set the pace for global growth. The states also command vast shares of industrial production, energy reserves, agricultural capacity and critical minerals, locating them within the core of the material reproduction processes on which global stability depends. As the financial capital in the West remains long decoupled from productive investment, BRICS economies remain anchored in physical output and strategic sectors, grounded in systemic exchange value and deriving strength from infrastructure, energy and commodities rather than speculative cycles. The key difference is that energy in these economies is not a volatile asset class, but a prerequisite for sovereign development. Russia, Iran, Brazil, the UAE and Saudi Arabia dominate fossil fuel markets, while China leads in renewables and storage technologies. These capacities form the base of coordinated state-led planning. Unlike the credit-driven economies of the North Atlantic, where returns are chased through stock buybacks and asset bubbles, BRICS states engage in long-term provisioning. Economic derangement In the United States, financialisation has advanced to the point of economic derangement. Productive sectors have been hollowed out. Industrial investment lags behind speculative flows. Shareholder returns dictate policy. Decades of offshoring and deindustrialisation have produced sharp internal polarisation: real wages stagnate, infrastructure decays, and essential services become unaffordable for large sections of the population. On the global stage, the dollar functions less as a stabilising currency than as a mechanism of control. Washington's reliance on financial warfare – via sanctions, reserve freezes, and regulatory overreach –has exposed the fragility of this model. As volatility is offloaded onto the Global South, states have begun to seek institutional and monetary alternatives. 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With their emphasis on real economy coordination, development financing and institutional redundancy, they are preparing for strategic insulation, not isolation. The bloc reflects a wider historical motion: a world disenchanted with liberal finance and searching for new instruments of survival and cooperation. The South is no longer a passive recipient in a preordained order. The architecture being assembled across BRICS states is uneven, unfinished and fraught, but undeniably real. The West can interpret this shift as a threat or a mirror. However, the historical momentum no longer centres on its crises. It centres elsewhere – in the slow, stubborn accumulation of material capacity outside the imperial core.

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