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China stocks climb on higher dividends, led by bank shares

China stocks climb on higher dividends, led by bank shares

Nikkei Asia2 days ago
Major Chinese banks are posting dividend yields of 4% to 5%, far above the average for CSI 300 companies as a whole. (Photo by Akira Kodaka)
TOSHIHIRO SATO
SHANGHAI -- Chinese stocks hit the highest level in three and a half years on Monday, lifted by anticipation of increased dividends and speculation about new measures to end a real estate downturn.
The Shanghai Stock Exchange Composite Index rose for a third consecutive trading day to close at 3,519.65.
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China's Position on Russia and Ukraine Is a Warning to the West and the Pacific
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China's Position on Russia and Ukraine Is a Warning to the West and the Pacific

Wang Yi's remarks confirm what many have long suspected: China's interests are best served not by stability, peace, or sovereignty, but by a prolonged conflict. The recent revelation that Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told EU leaders that Beijing does not want to see Russia lose its war in Ukraine is not just a diplomatic slip; it is a moment of clarity. Behind closed doors, China has dropped the mask of neutrality and revealed a sobering truth: it views a Russian defeat not as a moral failure or geopolitical catastrophe, but as a threat to its own strategic ambitions. This quiet admission, made to the EU's foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas, cuts sharply against Beijing's carefully curated public stance. China claims it is a disinterested bystander in the Ukraine conflict. However, Wang's remarks confirm what many in global diplomatic circles have long suspected: China's interests are best served not by stability, peace, or sovereignty, but by a distracted, divided, and weakened West. To understand why, we must revisit the so-called 'no limits' partnership between China and Russia, announced just weeks before the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Although not a formal military alliance, this strategic pact underscores a shared worldview. Both nations resent the dominance of liberal democracies and seek to reshape the global order in their own authoritarian image. Since the invasion, China has supported Russia's economy through trade, provided diplomatic cover in international forums, and participated in joint military exercises. At the same time, it continues to claim neutrality, masking its support for Russia behind the guise of plausible deniability. Wang's frank admission reveals the deeper logic behind this alignment. If Russia collapses in Ukraine, the United States and its allies will be free to pivot fully toward the Indo-Pacific and focus on deterring China's growing assertiveness, especially regarding Taiwan. In this strategic calculation, the prolongation of war, and the suffering it causes, is considered an acceptable cost if it keeps the West overextended. This is a profoundly cynical and destabilizing position. It confirms that, in the eyes of China's leadership, values such as territorial integrity, international law, and the protection of civilians are expendable. It also exposes a chilling willingness to allow or even encourage ongoing conflict if doing so creates space for China to advance its own interests. As an alumna of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC), I have worked alongside legislators from democracies large and small who see this moment for what it truly is: a test. China is not simply observing how the West responds to Russia's invasion. It is studying our unity, our resilience, and our tolerance for risk. The outcome in Ukraine will directly influence Beijing's decisions regarding Taiwan and its broader conduct across the Indo-Pacific. In the Pacific, this challenge is no longer hypothetical. It is unfolding in real time. Through cyber influence operations and debt-leveraged infrastructure projects with potential military uses, Beijing is actively reshaping the region's strategic landscape. For small island developing states, whose survival depends on the integrity of international law and multilateral institutions, any erosion of those norms poses a direct threat to sovereignty and self-determination. This is why continued support for Ukraine is not solely about defending the right of a European nation to exist. It is about upholding a global order that protects all nations, especially those that are small and vulnerable. If Ukraine is forced into a territorial compromise, or if the West retreats under pressure, it will send a dangerous message to authoritarian powers everywhere: that aggression is effective, that might makes right, and that democracies lack the resolve for prolonged resistance. China's leaders are betting on that retreat. Wang Yi's comments were not an error in diplomacy. They were an intentional signal. It is now the responsibility of all of us, from Brussels to the Blue Pacific, to respond with unity, determination, and an unshakeable commitment to the values that have preserved peace for generations. If we fail to meet this moment, the next confrontation may arrive much closer to home.

Hokkaido town residents gird for battle against 'China Village'
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Hokkaido town residents gird for battle against 'China Village'

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China's H1 Economic Data Was Encouraging, But It's Not Out of the Woods Yet

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China's H1 Economic Data Was Encouraging, But It's Not Out of the Woods Yet

China's economic growth rate peaked in 2007 when it hit a jaw-dropped 14.1 percent; it has been declining since then. The decline was accelerated by Xi Jinping's crackdown on the real estate sector through his 'three red lines' policies, then by the COVID-19 pandemic. Now China's annual economic growth has stagnated at around 5 percent, according to official data, and many outside experts think the real total is even lower. China just published its economic data for the first half of 2025, indicating a better-than-expected growth rate. According to the latest data, China's GDP growth rate through the first six months of 2025 was 5.3 percent, better than the annual target of 5 percent. Despite this, the structural challenges remain solid. 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To that end, China's policymakers have two twin goals: expanding exports to other parts of the world while also focusing on boosting household consumption, which remains stuck at around 40 percent, far lower than the OECD average of 60 percent. Amid Trump's renewed trade war, Chinese policymakers doubled down on export diversification. Trade with ASEAN (15.9 percent of China's total trade) and key European economies (12.6 percent) expanded significantly. Amid those efforts, despite the U.S. tariffs, China notched a trade surplus of $586 billion in the first half of 2025, larger than the same period in 2024. That surplus is equivalent to more than 6 percent of China's GDP, the highest recorded rate since 2013. Despite the trade friction between the two superpowers, China's exports to the U.S. stabilized in the second quarter of 2025 due to temporary tariff reprieves and partial agreements brokered during high-level meetings in Geneva and London. 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Second-hand home prices experienced an even more pronounced drop of 0.61 percent, their most significant monthly decline since September. The increasing number of cities reporting falling prices suggests that the weakness in China's real estate sector is not abating but spreading. The downturn is exacerbated by the declining real wages of urban middle classes and a rising gap between the rich and the poor. The poor and middle classes cannot afford real estate in China due to rising prices. The real estate sector presents two interconnected challenges. First, the downturn reduces consumer confidence, particularly among lower-middle and upper-middle class households, who rely on property as a significant source of wealth. Second, it undermines local government revenues, which are heavily dependent on land sales. This could reduce future fiscal policy options. China's economic performance in the first half of 2025 was encouraging, as expanded export growth and a domestic stimulus program helped tackle external shocks and internal deceleration. However, short-term resilience does not guarantee long-term transformation. Despite China's trade diversification ambitions, internal pressures like stagnant consumption, falling property prices, and a low consumption-to-GDP ratio persist. While the economy has remained stable in 2025, sustained momentum will require systemic reforms to boost household incomes, expand public services, and enhance labor mobility. Beijing's leadership recognizes the structural challenges, but policy solutions remain uneven. China's test lies in embracing a proactive, reform-driven approach to economic rebalancing. Its success will determine China's economic growth in the second half of 2020 and shape the global economy.

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