
EU's von der Leyen defends record in face of censure motion
The vote on the motion, scheduled for Thursday, is destined to fall far short of the two-thirds majority needed to force out von der Leyen's Commission as centrist groups that hold a majority in the parliament have said they will not support it.
But the motion was an unwelcome political headache for the EU executive chief just as her Commission is in the midst of negotiations to try to avoid hefty tariffs on European products from U.S. President Donald Trump's administration.
Speaking in the European Parliament in Strasbourg, von der Leyen pushed back against criticism in the motion of her handling of the COVID-19 crisis, arguing her strategy had ensured all EU members had equal access to vaccines.
"This is the Europe of solidarity that I love - and this is the Europe that the extremists hate," von der Leyen, a German former defence minister, declared to applause in the chamber.
Speaking before von der Leyen, the motion's lead sponsor, Romanian nationalist Gheorghe Piperea, accused the Commission of lacking transparency and failing to respect justice.
"The decision-making process has become opaque and discretionary and raises fears of abuse and corruption," he said.
Von der Leyen rejected those accusations. But, in an apparent nod to discontent from some lawmakers who see her governing style as high-handed, she said she was committed to working with the parliament "every step of the way".
"I want to say that I hear your concerns loud and clear," she said.
Even as the centrist groups rejected the motion, the debate exposed tensions among them. Several criticised von der Leyen's centre-right European People's Party for siding with the far right on migration, climate and other policies.
"Do you want to govern with those who want to destroy Europe or those of us who fight every day to build it?" Iratxe Garcia Perez, leader of the centre-left Socialists and Democrats group, asked von der Leyen in her speech.
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Telegraph
37 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Troop deployment plans abandoned in latest Coalition of the Willing talks
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BreakingNews.ie
39 minutes ago
- BreakingNews.ie
Religious orders will be ‘held accountable' for sex abuse crimes in schools
Institutions and religious orders involved in historical sex abuse in schools will be 'held accountable' for the 'awful' crimes, the education minister has vowed. The Government approved the establishment of a commission of investigation into allegations of historical sex abuse in schools across the country. Advertisement Mr Justice Michael McGrath will chair the commission. Minister for Education Helen McEntee, who outlined the details of the commission of investigation, said that any redress scheme would have to be funded by the religious orders and organisations. Minister McEntee announces establishment of Commission of Investigation into historical sexual abuse in schools and appointment of Chair — Department of Education and Youth (@Education_Ire) July 8, 2025 Speaking at Government Buildings on Tuesday, Ms McEntee said that more works needed to be done to establish exactly what is owned and in the possession of the religious orders. 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Ms McEntee said that any steps to secure or maximise payment for a redress scheme is being worked on by the Attorney General 'It is important to stress that the preferred outcome here is that religious institutions and organisations would come forward,' she added. 'The commission will be separated into two parts, but they will happen in tandem. Advertisement 'The first will be the investigation, and the intention is that the chair will be supported by two commissioners. 'One commissioner which will look at the investigation into handling of sexual abuse claims in religious schools. 'The second commissioner will start work on the investigation into sexual abuse in schools that were non-religious run schools. 'The third commissioner will then focus solely on the survivor engagement forum. Advertisement 'The forum itself will be non-adversarial. 'There will be no cross examination. 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The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Forget left and right: Norman Tebbit was a working-class hero. Politicians now could learn much from him
The word 'icon' is perhaps thrown around rather liberally in the lexicon of memorial. But in the realm of Tory politics, Norman Tebbit, whose death was announced today, was an icon – the politician who perhaps came closest, save of course for the Iron Lady herself, to embodying the phenomenon of Thatcherism. Why? He was not cast in the grouse-moor mould of the Harold Macmillan era, to be sure; but nor was Edward Heath, and little affection won he by that. (Nor, indeed, was Margaret Thatcher.) There was, perhaps, a degree of exoticism about his working-class background in the front rank of Tory politics in what was a much more class-conscious era. But Tebbit was no exotic pet, and nor would he have made such an impression on the public consciousness had he been so. Rather, he managed to personally embody a deeper, seismic shift in British politics: the Conservative party's decisive, and enormously successful, play for a large slice of the working-class vote. It is the nature of revolutionary myth-making to sometimes overstate a transformation. Working-class Toryism long predates Thatcherism, be that its Protestant and Unionist manifestations in Ulster, Scotland, and Liverpool or the more widespread tendency, noted by George Dangerfield in his 1935 classic The Strange Death of Liberal England, for working men to support the party that had no time for teetotalism. But while the nation's pubs might once have been a 'chain of political fortresses' for the party of Lord Salisbury, one can only imagine what he would have made of a working-class man serving as chairman of the Conservative and Unionist party. But then, ironically, a facility for evolution has always (until recently) been the party's strongest suit. Yet personally embodying a change is not enough to make an icon. Alone it produces at best a totem, or perhaps that should be a token; a passive object to be hoisted aloft to signal the party's adaptation to changing times. No, what made Tebbit an icon was that he believed in that change and he fought for it. He was a fighter, at a point when the party needed fighters, a true believer in what was in its early years a deeply uncertain revolution, and a bulwark for his leader against the forces of genteel reaction that would certainly, had the opportunity presented itself, have ditched her and her experiment alike. It would be an ugly politics that comprised solely each side's furious partisans. But it would be a very hollow politics that made space only for conciliators. There is an easy route to a faction's heart for a politician willing and able to be their tribune of the plebs, but that doesn't mean the job can't be well and honourably done, and Tebbit did it honourably and well. The latter is best illustrated by his star turns on the conference platform. Obviously, there was his (in)famous comment about getting on one's bike and looking for work. But more significant, in light of subsequent events, must be his call-and-response routine at the 1992 conference. 'Do you want to be part of a European union?', he asked the hall; the 'NO!' all but took the roof off. All this infuriated John Major, of course; one wonders if either seriously thought they would both live to see Britain leave it. Tebbit paid a heavier price than most for his frontline political career; the Brighton bombing saw him trapped under the rubble for an hour and, much more seriously, paralysed his wife, Margaret, for whom he subsequently cared. But like the true believer he was, he remained involved in the party and what became the Eurosceptic cause. He also managed a decade in the spotlight without acquiring airs and graces, and in the digital age proved more than willing to wade into the comments beneath his Telegraph blog and have it out with all and sundry. Courage, energy, authenticity – these Tebbit had in spades, and they are the things of which political icons are made. One might quibble that my definition makes little reference to the actual content of Tebbit's beliefs. But that is deliberate. He certainly held many views with which readers of this newspaper would profoundly disagree, then and now, and his views on social issues were wildly out of step with modern society. But an icon is not a hero, except perhaps in the Greek sense; recognising one does not require agreeing with all or even any of what they stand for. Every movement will have its own icons, and one of democracy's great strengths – or indeed, basic requirements – is recognising that there is space in public life for more than one. In fact, as a Conservative, it does with hindsight seem to have been a stronger, more vital Conservative party whose chairman was a substantial figure who could, occasionally, embarrass the leader. Henry Hill is deputy editor of ConservativeHome