
India to continue buying Russian oil despite Trump's sanction threat, officials say
President Trump said last week that he would penalise India if it did not stop buying Russian oil, without specifying the nature of the potential punishment.
On Friday, he pointed to reports that Russian shipments to India had decreased, telling reporters: 'I understand that India is no longer buying oil from Russia… that's what I heard. I don't know if that's correct, but it's a good step. We'll see what happens.'
Reuters reported earlier that India's state-run refiners had halted purchases of Russian oil a week ago as discounts shrank in July.
On 14 July, Trump threatened to impose 100% tariffs on countries buying Russian oil unless Moscow reached a major peace agreement with Ukraine.
The New York Times quoted two senior Indian government officials as saying that 'there has been no change in oil policy'. One of the officials clarified that the government 'has not issued any directives to oil companies to stop or reduce their imports from Russia'.
During a press conference a day earlier, India's Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson, Randhir Jaiswal, declined to comment directly on Trump's threat but hinted that the country would stick to its position on Moscow.
'Our bilateral relations with various countries stand on their own footing and should not be viewed from the perspective of a third country,' Jaiswal said. 'India and Russia have a stable and time-tested partnership.'
Since the war in Ukraine began, India has significantly increased its imports of Russian oil. Russia is now India's top supplier, providing about 35% of its total supplies, up from less than 1% before the conflict. New Delhi imports more than two million barrels of crude oil per day from Russia, making it the second-largest buyer of Russian oil after China.
Officials and analysts suggest that Trump's focus on the issue may be a 'negotiating chip' in the context of ongoing talks between India and the United States to reach a bilateral trade agreement, which is in its early stages. It is noted that China and Turkey, also major importers of Russian oil, have not faced similar threats from Washington.
India came under significant pressure during the initial months of the war in Ukraine to scale back its economic ties with Moscow, and this pressure continued as its oil imports grew.
However, as the war entered its second year, the international stance on India's oil imports began to shift. New Delhi appeared to have successfully convinced its American and European allies that its large-scale purchases of cheap Russian oil, under a price cap imposed by the G7 and the European Union, were in fact helping to maintain global energy price stability.
Early last year, senior U.S. Treasury officials visiting New Delhi stated that India was implementing a mechanism that had proven effective: keeping Russian oil flowing to global markets but at lower prices that reduced Moscow's revenues.
Eric Garcetti, who was then the U.S. Ambassador to India, said: 'They bought Russian oil because we wanted someone to buy it at a specific price cap. It wasn't a breach; it was part of the policy design because we were afraid of oil prices going up, and they did their required part.'
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Demonstrators gather outside the Israeli Defence Ministry headquarters in Tel Aviv on July 5, 2025 during an anti-government protest calling for action to secure the release of Israeli hostages held captive in Gaza. Jack Guez/AFP/Getty Images The options now being discussed can broadly be categorized into five outlines: 1. Military Victory: Proponents of this option, including inside the Israeli government, claim that Hamas's leaders inside Gaza will never accept a deal. Therefore, Israel has no choice but to further intensify its military campaign, including to find and eliminate those few remaining leaders of Hamas inside Gaza. The hope is that Hamas' control in Gaza will crack, and Israel can then establish a new Palestinian entity to secure and govern the strip, one that is not Hamas or the existing Palestinian Authority. But Israel has been doing precisely this since May, intensifying its military campaign with five divisions deployed into Gaza. 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True, this would also allow Hamas to rest and refit with no hope of a near-term hostage release, but by alleviating the aid situation, Israel might benefit strategically by taking this card away from Hamas and demonstrating that Israel is now correcting for its own mistakes. It might also demand International Red Cross access to the hostages as a condition for the pause, an issue of urgency given the horrific images Hamas released of hostages in recent days. Palestinians gather as they carry aid supplies that entered Gaza through Israel, amid a hunger crisis, in Beit Lahia in the northern Gaza Strip July 20, 2025. Dawoud Abu Alkas/Reuters The problem with this option is that it says nothing about what happens after the pause, further removes pressure from Hamas, and would be extremely unpopular in Israel, both within the rightwing Israeli government but also the broader population, to include most hostage families that rightly demand a process leading to a deal – not a unilateral move by Israel that might benefit Hamas with nothing in return. 5. US Breaks with Israel: Proponents of this option believe the United States should announce a halt on all further arms sales to Israel and demand that Israel end the war unilaterally even with Hamas remaining in control of Gaza. Some go further and claim this should happen even without hostages being freed. Their argument is that the overwhelming priority is to stop the war and only the United States has leverage against Israel to force it into doing so. As for the hostages, proponents of this argument claim that Netanyahu, not Hamas, is the primary obstacle to a deal and that by halting US military support, the Israelis might make concessions needed to conclude a deal. These arguments are appealing to those appalled by the images from Gaza and wishing for a quick fix. But they would do nothing to stop, let alone end, the war. Hamas has shown no serious indication that it will release all the hostages if Israel simply gives up, and if Hamas remains in charge of Gaza there is no chance whatsoever for longer-term peace or an internationally backed relief plan that the strip so badly requires. In any case, this is a politically motivated and not realistic option for those who truly aim to stop the war. It's also highly unlikely to ever happen. Trump is unlikely to break with Israel, and Israel is unlikely to simply withdraw from Gaza without all the Israeli hostages and a deal that helps to ensure Hamas cannot retain its control there. 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