Violence against civilians surges amidst escalating conflict in South Sudan (January - March 2025)
The report reveals that 739 civilians were killed, 679 injured, 149 abducted, and 40 subjected to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) between January and March 2025. Compared to the October to December 2024 quarter, this marked an 86 percent increase in victims (866 to 1,607), a 110 percent increase in civilians killed (352 to 739) and a 94 percent increase in those injured (350 to 679). Abductions rose from 129 to 149 and CRSV cases from 35 to 40.
Compared to the same quarter in 2024, this represents a 76 percent increase in victims (913 to 1,607) 58 percent increase in killings (468 to 739) and 107 percent increase in injuries (328 to 679).
Warrap State recorded the highest number of civilians affected, with 428 deaths and 298 injuries, followed by Central Equatoria with a 260 percent increase in victims and the most abductions. The number of child victims increased sharply from 114 to 171. Women and girls continued to be disproportionately affected by CRSV and other acts of sexual and gender-based violence, together accounting for 98 percent of documented victims.
Consistent with the previous quarter, most victims were attributed to community-based militias or civil defense groups (66 percent), while unidentified, opportunistic armed elements were responsible for 22 percent.
Conventional parties to the armed conflict and other armed groups were responsible for 15 percent of victims, marking a concerning increase of 27 percent (from 152 to 193). The escalation of armed confrontations involving these parties and groups severely undermined the protection of civilians and resulted in violations and abuses of human rights and international humanitarian law.
'It is the primary responsibility of the Government to protect civilians and prevent conflicts, which continue to cause immense harm to communities across the country,' said Guang Cong, Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General, UNMISS. 'Together with regional and international partners, UNMISS calls for concerted, collective efforts at the national, state and local levels to address the underlying causes and drivers, facilitate the resolution of grievances through dialogue and hold perpetrators accountable in order to end the deadly cycle of violence.'
As an impartial partner, UNMISS supports efforts to protect civilians and deter violence by conducting thousands of peacekeeping patrols by land, air, and river each year, facilitating locally led reconciliation and peacebuilding initiatives, strengthening rule of law institutions and extending their reach through mobile courts to far flung areas and helping to advance broader political and peace processes in the country, while emphasizing on the need for accountability and justice for abuses and violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS).
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Middle East Eye
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Ten things the UK could do if it truly cared about Palestinians
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It is a useful ploy because it deflects attention and automatically guilt-trips westerners due to the history of the Holocaust and Israel's undeniably vulnerable early years, surrounded by hostile Arab states. I would argue that whatever the historical twists and turns of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the boot is firmly on the other foot when it comes to double standards today. Israel is no longer a weak, fragile state struggling to survive but overwhelmingly the most dominant and militarily capable power in the region. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters It is no longer Israelis who are at risk of being driven 'into the sea' but Palestinians. It is no longer Israelis who are at risk of suffering a second genocide, but Israelis who are now committing actions tantamount to a genocide of their own. Israel was entirely justified in taking action after the truly atrocious events of 7 October to try to prevent another such attack and secure the release of the Israeli captives taken by Hamas. I make no argument in support of Hamas, which triggered the latest round of fighting, is prolonging the crisis by refusing to release the captives and has itself weaponised humanitarian aid. It is a terrorist group to be shunned entirely. But Israel's response in Gaza has now gone way beyond what might be deemed legitimate or proportionate. It has involved numerous violations of international humanitarian law - such as firing on civilians, medical teams and journalists - and does not appear to be part of any plausible end strategy to ensure longer-term peace and security in the region. Massive moral failure Israel is being allowed to get away with behaviour that western democracies would condemn in the most forceful terms if undertaken by any other country. Precisely because Israel is a democracy and one that we treat as an ally, it is incumbent on us to hold it to the highest standards. In other raging conflicts, such as Sudan, where evidence of war crimes exists on both sides, at least the West does not actively tip the scale in favour of one party over another. In Israel's case, the West still defends many of its actions, supplies its army with weapons and intelligence, and equivocates about the degree to which it has violated international law as Palestinians die in their tens of thousands. Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage of the Israel-Palestine war Collectively, the West's response to the tragedy in Gaza is a massive moral failure. Beyond some ritual handwringing, rhetorical expressions of concern, and a few feeble sanctions on a handful of Israeli figures, there has been no substantive action to rein in Israel's excesses in Gaza or to offer genuine protection for Palestinian civilians caught up in the conflict. Israel is a clear-cut case of western leaders failing to live up to their stated commitment to human rights and the concept of 'never again'. At the time of writing, both Palestinians and the families of Israeli hostages were waiting to see whether new US-led ceasefire efforts would succeed. But if this process collapses, as has happened repeatedly in the past, here's a list of concrete measures the UK government could take - alone or with like-minded partners - if it truly cared about the Palestinian people. 1) No-fly zone: Propose the establishment of a no-fly zone over Gaza, as former Prime Minister John Major did in the early 1990s over Iraq to protect the Kurds in the north and Shia Muslims in the south from Saddam Hussein's brutal regime. UK planes helped to protect Israel from Iranian attacks. Why don't we protect Palestinians from Israeli bombs? Announcing the launch of the mission in April 1991, Major acknowledged that he did not have all the answers as to how long it would last or precisely how it would operate, but he noted: 'We do not have a long time to leave the Kurds where they are at the moment, and for them to safely survive… Action is needed; it is needed now, and that is what is going to happen.' Last year, UK planes helped to protect Israel from Iranian attacks. Why don't we protect Palestinians from Israeli bombs? 2) Secure aid: Offer to escort humanitarian aid convoys into Gaza, as was done in the 1990s to reach victims of war in the former Yugoslavia. This would address both Israel's concerns that aid must not be diverted by Hamas and Palestinians' concerns about being able to access supplies safely. Again, I quote Major, who announced this plan at a conference in London in 1992: 'We must ensure that humanitarian supplies are distributed to the victims of this conflict… It cannot be done by force but it must be done in safety.' He added: 'We have no hostile intent to any party in Bosnia, but I have to say to the conference that we will not be deflected from our determination to deliver aid wherever it is needed.' Arms and sanctions 3) Cut arms exports: Stop supplying weapons and other material support to the Israeli army - at the very least, until Israel has agreed to open up far more corridors for humanitarian supplies to enter Gaza. A recent High Court ruling that Britain's sale of F-35 fighter jet parts to Israel is lawful has provided legal cover for UK arms supplies to Israel to continue. But just because something is lawful does not make it right. The UK could, at the very least, choose to apply more rigorous conditions to its continued supply of arms and intelligence analysis to Israel. As Iain Overton, the executive director of Action on Armed Violence, wrote in the aftermath of the case, a particularly troubling aspect was the government's argument that 'to withdraw from the programme would imperil NATO and the western alliance. In doing so, they made clear that the commercial and strategic value of the arms trade outweighs the lives of Palestinian civilians'. This is an obscenely immoral calculation. Ignore Starmer's theatrics. Gaza's trail of blood leads straight to his door Read More » 4) Ramp up sanctions: Broaden the scope of UK sanctions against individuals in Israel - which currently apply to just two far-right ministers for inciting violence against Palestinians, as well as some extremist Israeli settler groups in the occupied West Bank - to cover all members of the current Israeli cabinet, on the grounds that they share collective political responsibility for war crimes committed in Gaza. We have sanctioned Russian President Vladimir Putin and his cronies for their attempts to seize parts of Ukraine by force. Why not sanction Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his cronies, who have made no secret of their aspirations to seize full control of Gaza? We have the authority to do it. In 2020, the UK introduced a new global human rights sanctions regime, allowing it to impose targeted asset freezes and travel bans on individuals involved in major human rights abuses. Announcing the launch, Dominic Raab, then the foreign secretary, said that it would initially cover the 'very worst' human rights violations, including assassinations, torture and slavery, but that it could be expanded to cover other abuses. A government spokesperson explained at the time that future targets 'may include those who commit unlawful killings perpetrated against journalists and media workers'. According to a report by the Watson School of International and Public Affairs' Costs of War project, more journalists have been killed in Gaza - 232 - than in both world wars, the Vietnam War, the wars in Yugoslavia and the US war in Afghanistan combined, making it the deadliest conflict for media workers ever recorded. Under the UK's own criteria, this alone would merit sanctions. Raising awareness 5) Try to reach Gaza: UK ministers could join other western leaders in trying to enter Gaza to show support for innocent Palestinian victims of the war and highlight the dire situation there, just as they have repeatedly done to show solidarity with Ukraine, flying to Kyiv and being photographed with President Volodymyr Zelensky. 6) Join protests: Instead of spending time trying to shut down debate about Israel's actions, ministers could join those trying to raise awareness of the plight of Palestinians. Instead of trying to curtail demonstrations, they could march alongside peaceful protesters. They could call out double standards in right-wing media about the conflict, for example, where extensive coverage is given to individual Israeli deaths, while Palestinian deaths are often reduced to anonymous statistics. They could condemn cases of Islamophobia, not just cases of antisemitism. 7) Disseminate footage: Just as Israel compelled western leaders and policymakers to watch videos of the 7 October atrocities, the UK could compile videos of the current situation in Gaza, including the most heart-rending cases of children starving to death or dying of injuries or untreated conditions - and insist that Israeli embassy staff in London watch them, that journalists based in London watch them, and that the UK's national television channels broadcast them. Israelis were understandably appalled by images of ordinary Palestinians and pro-Palestinian activists celebrating the 7 October attacks. Perhaps they should be made to watch footage of Maccabi football fans celebrating the deaths of Palestinian children, Israeli soldiers filming themselves mocking the death and destruction in Gaza, and right-wing settlers rampaging through Palestinian villages in the occupied West Bank. 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This past January, at a UN Security Council meeting to discuss the situation in Sudan, the UK representative argued that the ICC 'has a key role to play in ensuring perpetrators are held accountable for crimes committed in Darfur' and that the court should be allowed to 'carry out its important work in Darfur and elsewhere without interference'. The UK should apply the same standard to Gaza and call out the US for its efforts to hinder the ICC's work there. The path forward 9) Actively mediate: The UK could take a more proactive role in trying to facilitate an end to the Gaza war and to achieve a longer-term regional peace, rather than standing by as the US conducts back-channel discussions with the Israelis, Gulf states and Egypt. The UK has plenty of experience in hosting international conferences, including ones aimed at ending the wars in Yugoslavia in the 1990s. 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Taking more robust action to protect the Palestinian people is simply the right thing to do. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
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