
Syrian president to make first official visit to Kuwait
'Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa, accompanied by an official delegation, is due to arrive in Kuwait on Sunday,' read a statement on KUNA News Agency.
Earlier this month, sources close to Al-Sharaa have reported that the Syrian president was planning a trip to the gulf state towards the end of May.
On his gulf tour, Al-Sharaa had visited Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates.
On his trip to Kuwait, the Syrian president will meet the Kuwaiti leadership to discuss ways to boost bilateral relations.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Arab News
14 minutes ago
- Arab News
UAE's policies a reflection of our national DNA
In 1954, the British administrator and army officer Sir Rupert Hay observed: '(Dubai) flourishes on its entrepot trade, and its souks or markets on either side of its broad creek are the most picturesque I have ever seen in the Middle East and take one back to the time of the Arabian Nights. In the narrow lanes roofed with matting, where the gloom is flecked by spots of sunlight, Arabs, Persians and Balochis display their multifarious and many-colored wares. Wild-eyed tribesmen with their camel canes and daggers haggle with the shopkeepers and the wealthier Persian merchants, with their long, flowing robes and gold-brocaded headdresses, pass to and fro, intent upon their business. Graceful dhows glide into the creek, lower their sails and cast anchor while, the whole day long, small craft are busy ferrying shoppers from one bank to the other. The rectangular houses of the sheikhs and merchants with their tall wind-towers cast white reflections on the water. Conditions are no doubt primitive, but there is an air of bustle and prosperity about the place that gives it a peculiar charm.' Hay's words captured more than a vivid tableau of mid-century Dubai; they revealed the essence of a place animated by openness, enterprise and coexistence. Long before national strategies were drafted or policy frameworks formalized, the people of this region were already living the values that continue to define the UAE today — through trade, hospitality and the building of trust across cultures and borders. In the flurry of strategic plans, key performance indicators and regulatory frameworks, it is easy to forget a simple truth: a policy is not just a document or a directive, it is a reflection of what we believe in. At its core, policy is a strategic act, anchored in values. It is a public declaration of what we prioritize, what we protect and the kind of future we are committed to shaping. Too often, policy is treated as a technocratic tool — reactive, procedural and transactional. But meaningful, effective policy is fundamentally philosophical. It begins with questions of principle: What do we stand for? And how do we bring those convictions to life? In the UAE, we are fortunate to have a clear and enduring foundation. Values such as openness, adaptability, trust, pragmatism and a spirit of partnership have not only shaped our society but have also served as strategic assets. They have enabled us to build a nation that is globally connected yet deeply rooted; fast-moving yet socially cohesive. As we chart our path forward across sectors as diverse as the economy, education, sustainability and technology, we must begin not with trends but with principles. A policy disconnected from values may offer a quick solution but it cannot deliver long-term impact. It will lack coherence, resilience and the trust of those it aims to serve. Consider foreign trade and diplomacy. The UAE's approach has never been merely transactional. It has been guided by a deeper belief in dialogue, connectivity and mutual benefit. Our economic relationships are not built solely on competitive advantage but on long-term thinking, respect for diversity and a commitment to shared prosperity. This values-first approach has paid off. Today, the UAE is among the world's most globally connected economies, with a trade policy that opens doors rather than closes them. Our ability to engage with partners across regions, ideologies and economic systems has been one of our greatest strengths — because our policies are not just about interests. They are about intentions. Our approach is not about short-term fixes, it is about reinforcing the social fabric that underpins our national resilience. Maria Hanif Al-Qassim In the same way, our strong familial and social values are reflected in policies that continuously promote greater cohesion, connectedness and a deep sense of shared responsibility. These are not abstract ideals — they are embedded in initiatives such as the National Family Policy, which strengthens intergenerational bonds and supports parental roles, and the development of integrated neighborhoods that bring housing, schools, healthcare and community spaces together to foster everyday solidarity. Our approach to social policy is not about short-term fixes, it is about reinforcing the social fabric that underpins our national resilience. Whether through support for marriage and family formation, youth engagement strategies that nurture identity and purpose or care for the elderly that honors tradition and dignity, these policies reflect a society that sees cohesion not as a constraint but as a competitive strength. When we begin with values, our policies gain durability. They become more than responses to the moment — they become frameworks that can adapt, evolve and guide us through uncertainty. And we are indeed entering an era marked by profound and accelerating change: geopolitical shifts, climate instability, technological disruption and social fragmentation. In such a context, values must be our compass. They are what lend coherence across ministries and sectors, what ensure that innovation does not come at the expense of inclusion, and that speed does not compromise sustainability. Values remind us that the purpose of policy is not simply to manage change but to shape it — thoughtfully, boldly and with a deep sense of responsibility to future generations. In the end, policy is not only about systems and certainly not only about strategy. It is, ultimately, about character. It must reflect our national DNA. And over the long arc of history, it is values, not tactics, that shape nations.


Arab News
14 minutes ago
- Arab News
The poisons of power balances
The first component of wisdom is a precise assessment of the balance of power. It is indispensable in war, revolution or a coup d'etat. The balance of power is an almost inescapable consideration that cannot easily be written out of the equation. Ignoring it usually leads to catastrophic consequences, but while force wins wars, it does not necessarily guarantee durable stability. Vladimir Putin read the balance of power. He knew that the West would yell after waking up to see Russian tanks erasing what it called an international border with Ukraine. However, NATO would not risk sending troops to defend a country that is not a member of the alliance. The US would impose sanctions and make threats, but it would not send its forces and risk raising the specter of a third world war. He calculated correctly and now his army is continuing to devour more territory, having already secured control over the lands annexed by Russia. However, history shows that coercion and subjugation cannot become the basis for lasting stability. The people of the Middle East have their own long and painful history with the balance of power. In 1967, Gamal Abdel Nasser did not dwell on the regional balance of power or its equations. His announcement of the closure of the Straits of Tiran and decision to mobilize Egypt's army drove Israel to launch the war that led to the occupation of Sinai, the West Bank and the Golan Heights — a war that only deepened the glaring imbalance of power in the region. Anwar Sadat concluded that Egypt could not tolerate the occupation of Sinai. He coordinated with Hafez Assad and waged the war of 1973. Despite the achievements of the Egyptian army, the course of the war ended up being a stark reminder of the balance of power's painful dictates. Sadat realized that Sinai could not be taken back by force; accordingly, he chose to accept the facts on the ground, eventually recovering the land through the Camp David Accords. Assad launched a vicious campaign against Sadat, but he too quietly accepted the harsh logic of the balance of power and understood that forcefully reclaiming the Golan Heights was impossible. Instead, he opted to compensate for this loss. 'Recovering' Lebanon was within reach and he managed the country and consolidated the presence of his forces. This is what makes the two-state solution, a cause that Saudi Arabia has played an active and influential role in pursuing, so important. Ghassan Charbel When Fatah fired its first shot on the first day of January 1965, Yasser Arafat was dreaming of reclaiming all his people's occupied land with the barrel of his gun. His long and bitter battles taught him cruel lessons about the realities of the balance of power from Tel Aviv to Washington. That is how we got the scene of Arafat shaking hands with Yitzhak Rabin in the Rose Garden of the White House, and why we saw him accept the dream of a state on part of this land and the painful concession of the rest. From his residence in France, Ayatollah Khomeini spoke candidly to Saddam Hussein's envoy. He told him that the overthrow of the 'infidel Baath regime' was the second item on his agenda, after toppling the shah's regime. Khomeini's dream was to take down Saddam's regime, especially when Iran gained the upper hand in the war with Iraq. However, the balance of international power did not allow Khomeini to realize his dream and he was ultimately forced to swallow the bitter poison and accept a ceasefire. Saddam, for his part, ignored the realities of the balance of power when he ordered his forces to invade Kuwait. He did not consider the need to avoid an American invasion of Iraq, framing the event as 'a battle for the dignity of the nation,' as Yemen's former foreign minister Abu Bakr Al-Qirbi told our newspaper. Let us leave the past and turn to the present. When the Israeli air force began destroying the weapons of 'Assad's army,' President Ahmad Al-Sharaa had no choice but to accept the constraints of the balance of power. This imbalance only deepened after Israel succeeded in driving Iran out of Syria and dealt a painful blow to Hezbollah and its leadership in Lebanon. When the crisis erupted in Sweida, Al-Sharaa found himself with no option but to heed the balance of power's dictates once again. President Joseph Aoun, along with his government, is now experiencing the bitterness of this power balance and its shifts following 'the flood.' Israeli drones continue to violate Lebanese airspace, carrying out targeted assassinations. The president knows that disarming Hezbollah is the condition that the US and international community have demanded of Lebanon for reconstruction and aid. We must not forget the poisons of the balance of power and the constraints they have imposed on the Palestinian Authority. Since Hamas' attack on Oct. 7, 2023, Israel has been in a frenzy of vengeance and the pursuit of victory. There is no denying that its war machine, with backing from the US, succeeded in crushing Gaza, asserting control over multiple regions' airspace and carrying out incursions into Syrian and Lebanese territory. The current balance of power is clear: the Palestinians are not well placed to reclaim their rights by force, neither now nor in the foreseeable future. The same can be said of Syria, which must prioritize building a state of institutions that preserves unity and coexistence, opening the door to stability and prosperity. Lebanon's Hezbollah is similarly incapable of launching a new war against Israel, neither now nor in the foreseeable future. Faced with imbalances of this magnitude, the weaker side has no real options. It can only turn to international legitimacy. The principles of international legitimacy offer protection from the injustices currently imposed by the balance of power. It is also essential for addressing the key issue: the injustice inflicted on the Palestinian people, which has been the root cause of instability across the Middle East. The poisons of the balance of power can only be remedied by returning to the principles of international legitimacy. Only these principles can guarantee a just peace. That is what makes the two-state solution, a cause that Saudi Arabia has played an active and influential role in pursuing, so important. The most recent fruit of this diplomatic momentum was the French president's announcement that his country would recognize the state of Palestine. Brutality, domination and erasure can only leave the Middle East sleeping over barrels of gunpowder. Its nations need a moment to catch their breath, fight poverty, allow the displaced to return, pursue development and join the modern world. The solution is not to surrender to the dictates of the balance of power. The solution is to do everything possible to empower international legitimacy. • Ghassan Charbel is editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper. X: @GhasanCharbel This article first appeared in Asharq Al-Awsat.

Al Arabiya
2 hours ago
- Al Arabiya
Putin, Netanyahu discuss Syria and Iran in phone call, Kremlin says
Russian President Vladimir Putin discussed Syria and Iran in a phone call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Monday, the Kremlin said. It said Putin stressed the importance of upholding Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity and restated Russia's readiness to help negotiate a solution to the Iranian nuclear issue.