Charles seen for first time since Prince Harry's bombshell interview – after duke took swipe at King over security row
Charles, 76, was seen going to St Mary Magdalene Church this morning at the Sandringham estate in Norfolk, where he is staying for the weekend.
It comes just days after it was claimed Charles had hoped for a reunion with son Harry before his astonishing interview in which he blamed his family for losing his long-running legal battle over security.
The King was spotted in the back of a car as he was driven to the church for the 11am service, although there was no sign of his wife Queen Camilla.
Charles, who was wearing a dark suit, is understood to be staying at Wood Farm, a farmhouse on the royal estate.
It comes after Harry, 40, claimed in an explosive interview on Friday that he wanted "reconciliation" with his family, before blaming the loss of his multimillion-pound fight on his father
The raging prince declared: "This whole thing could be resolved through him".
King Charles refuses to speak to him"because of this security stuff".
He went on to say he doesn't know how long his father has left to live.
An insider claimed that Charles was frustrated and upset with his son — and the burden he had put on taxpayers.
Moments before the broadcast, sources close to the King had told The Sun of Charles's 'frustration' that Harry's supporters suggested 'his father doesn't care about his (Harry's) family'.
Prince Harry humiliated as he LOSES security row after pleading 'my life is at stake' – and now faces £1.5m legal bill
PRINCE Harry has lost his publicly-funded security appeal in a humiliating blow after moaning "my life is at stake
The Duke of Sussex brought the case against the Home Office and the Executive Committee for the Protection of Royalty and Public Figures (Ravec).
Harry always said the three-and-a-half year legal battle "mattered" more to him than anything else - including his privacy rows with the press.
He had moaned he was "singled out" after his round-the-clock royal protection was axed in the wake of Megxit.
Harry also bizarrely claimed stripping him of his security was a plot to force him and Meghan Markle back to Britain.
Earlier this month, Harry returned to the UK for his two-day hearing at the Court of Appeal in London.
But Sir Geoffrey Vos, Lord Justice Bean and Lord Justice Edis on Friday ruled against him in a humiliating blow for the prince.
The loss - his second unsuccessful appeal against the decision - could be the final nail in the coffin for his security row, although Harry could still take his fight to the Supreme Court.
It also means he faces paying the legal costs for both sides, which is estimated to amount to more than £1.5million.
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Police officers told their pay rises as thousands given inflation-busting wage hikes
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New Statesman
3 hours ago
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On recent returns to Mansfield and its surrounding villages, the prospect of further rioting has become more urgent. Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner have also spoken of the risk of renewed unrest. Only last month protesters from north Nottinghamshire mining communities marched against asylum hotels, spurred on by the comments of local Reform MP Lee Anderson about an ongoing rape trial. Some locals are animated principally by anger at immigration. In their apocalyptic visions, they are defending not just women and girls but their whiteness, too. For others, however, these concerns are secondary to a wider sense of political voicelessness and apathy in national decline. Millie was among this latter group, which feels that politicians had done nothing and that all they did was tell lies. I asked her why that was. 'Money,' Millie said. 'It's always money. Money and greed. You're not telling me they're not having their pockets lined.' Millie's anger was driven by the loss of sports facilities, the disappearance of the Sure Start centres, and the loss of the shared spaces she held dear. Everything had been 'taken away'. Even simple activities such as a family cinema trip or roller-skating at one of the few remaining leisure centres set her back more than she could afford. She would love to be able to drop her kids off to play with the pit band, as her father, a miner, had done with her. But the facilities had shut. 'When the pits started closing, they lost funding and stuff. I mean, it's still about, don't get me wrong. But it's not as rife as it used to be… My kids don't understand it because they never had it. But it hurts me, because what am I to do?' [See also: One year on, tensions still circle Britain's asylum-seeker hotels] To understand the anger of the mining towns, we need to understand the history of miners' welfare. 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After the First World War, the miners met at Southport again to discuss their demands, having paused strike activity for the duration of the fighting. They wanted to be put in charge of the industry – nationalisation under worker control, as well as wage increases and a reduction in the working day. They threatened to go on strike. The government baulked at their demands, but the ensuing Sankey commission did recommend that colliery owners be charged one penny per tonne of coal, to be put towards social, cultural and medical amenities. This was promptly made law in the Welfare Fund clause of the 1920 Mining Industry Act – the clause from which welfares derive their name. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Sports pitches, pithead baths and social clubs sprang up around Britain's collieries, all funded by the levy, and, after nationalisation, by the state. The welfares and other amenities were not just useful for community well-being, but also helped to forge a social tie between representatives and the represented. Bolstered by social investment, MPs could prove they cared about the communities that had elected them. In reality, the Welfare Fund investment reflected the structural power of miners over the energy source upon which industry and households depended. Nonetheless, people use the provision as an example of care and recognition. When these were lost in the ravages of deindustrialisation and austerity, it was felt like a moral injury. Politicians still claim to care, but what have their constituents got to show for it? Quantitative research by the economic geography professors Maria Abreu and Calvin Jones has shown that former coal-mining areas have lower levels of political participation, a lack of political trust and a low sense of political efficacy even compared with economically and demographically similar places. 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It is often said that places like Mansfield or Wath were forgotten or left behind, and many of us are guilty of talking about ex-industrial areas as though time stopped shortly after the miners' strike. Nothing could be further from the truth. In Wath, like in Mansfield, there have been frantic policy interventions to lure footloose businesses and make the land productive again. As a result, many former pit areas have similar landscapes: a big Tesco, expensive newbuild housing and a waste incineration plant – if planners can get it past the local residents. Like Nottinghamshire, Wath ended up with distribution centres. Here, it is the clothing retailer Next; in Nottinghamshire it's Amazon and Sports Direct. In Wath, as in the South Wales valleys, they received call centres too. And of course, where land, rent and rates are cheap, the government will soon see an opportunity to make savings. There is never any money to keep Sure Start going or to keep the welfare alive, but people who depend on the state can be dealt with on the cheap. It is, perhaps, easier for Serco and other government contractors to house asylums seekers in one place, rather than disperse smaller groups more widely. To the surprise of no one, this is not a recipe for social cohesion. Racism and xenophobia exist everywhere, but combined with structural decline they make for a particularly toxic politics, and it is not hard to see how far-right visions of civil disorder and societal breakdown could meld with more mundane concerns and a widely shared anti-politics. In a new report for IPPR, I make the case for the return of a miners' welfare fund to combat declinism and alienation. Where it was once levied on colliery owners, it should now raise its budget from the large online businesses, such as Amazon, that have filled post-industrial Britain with gargantuan distribution centres. Private-sector-led approaches to regeneration have left mining communities with exploitative jobs and crumbling social infrastructures. Things seem only ever to get worse. Instead, the state could use a 21st-century welfare fund to revive community centres, facilitate affordable family activities and help community groups take neglected spaces into common ownership, reclaiming the mundane utopia of the sports pitch and the pit band. Memories of the affordances of the previous generation of welfare facilities speak to its understated pleasures. 'Pit bands – you really got a feel for the pit community,' Millie told me. 'Stuck together, had a laugh.' [See more: British decline is as much intellectual as it is political] Related
The Guardian
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Social media ads promoting small boat crossings to UK to be banned
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