
Thailand's political war heads toward a no-return showdown
Thai politics today bears an uncanny resemblance to the insurgency in the southern border provinces—murky, protracted, exhausting, and strewn with casualties along the way.
At its core lies a deadlock between two rival factions, neither capable of delivering a decisive blow to the other.
As a result, the political stalemate has reached a critical juncture: a final confrontation now seems inevitable. Without it, both sides may well 'die together'—locked in mutual destruction, much like the southern conflict now lingering on life support.
To grasp the current high-stakes showdown, we must start with the latest flashpoint: the aggressive push to bring down the Senate. The campaign has gathered momentum and shows no signs of slowing, even after being temporarily halted.
To trace the roots of this escalation, consider this brief yet dramatic timeline — spanning less than 10 days:
April 30 – The Supreme Court unexpectedly appointed a panel to reopen Thaksin Shinawatra's sentencing case. This move shocked the legal community, as the court had previously dismissed similar petitions three times. This time, it cited 'new developments' that warranted further investigation.
May 8 (Daytime) – The Medical Council disciplined the doctors responsible for Thaksin's care, signalling that he may not have been in critical condition, or perhaps not genuinely ill at all.
May 8 (Nighttime) – Arrest warrants were suddenly issued for 55 senators, with plans to expand that number to 150. Crucially, this sweep included not just blue-camp senators but also members of a major political party. The implications were clear: this could escalate to the level of party dissolution.
This brief timeline makes one thing clear — this is a political battle with everything on the line.
On the Pheu Thai side (red), Thaksin — still the true power behind the scenes — is now bound by two major legal cases: first, the '14th Floor' scandal involving his questionable hospitalisation at the Police General Hospital; and second, the extremely sensitive lese majeste charge under Article 112.
Meanwhile, his daughter, Prime Minister Paetongtarn, is increasingly entangled as well, caught in a web of legal threats, including the case surrounding Deputy Prime Minister Pirapan's qualifications, which could extend directly to her.
On the other side, Bhumjaithai (blue) is being squeezed by the Senate Vote-Rigging Scandal. The situation has spiralled beyond political control. The public has seen the evidence and is no longer willing to accept silence or spin.
What began as a behind-the-scenes manoeuvre to shift Senate loyalties has now exploded into a full-fledged campaign to dismantle the Senate altogether—and potentially dissolve entire parties.
This escalation beyond the Senate is driven by the involvement of a major political party, reportedly with ministers directly tied to the party's true command structure. This is, in effect, a political strategy to 'strike the beehive and scatter the swarm.'
At the centre of this brewing political storm is the '14th Floor' case. Thaksin appears to be making his move to flip the board—seizing the advantage, neutralising his enemies, and consolidating absolute power. If he fails, the consequences will be dire—not only for him but for his daughter as well.
To neutralise the legal landmine that is the '14th Floor' case, Thaksin's team appears to be executing a three-pronged strategy:
1. Proving the sentence was already served
The first move is to produce witnesses who will testify that Thaksin has, in fact, served his sentence in accordance with the court's ruling. Besides the Department of Corrections, the key witness here is none other than Wissanu Krea-ngam, a seasoned legal expert and long-time political insider.
2. Justifying the transfer to the Police General Hospital
Next, the defence is working to legitimise the Department of Corrections' decision to transfer Thaksin from prison to the 14th floor of the Police General Hospital. The legal argument is that current laws and ministerial regulations do not require an inmate to be in 'critical condition'—only that they suffer from a 'specialised illness.' The claim is that the prison hospital lacked both the equipment and the expertise to treat his specific condition.
3. Deflecting the 'fake illness' allegation
The third and most sensitive point is countering the accusation that Thaksin feigned illness to stay out of prison. The strategy here is to disqualify the most damaging piece of evidence: the Medical Council's decision to discipline three doctors involved in his care.
The goal is to prevent that ruling from becoming admissible in the Supreme Court's review of Thaksin's sentence enforcement.
It begins with framing the Medical Council's ruling as an administrative order, not a final decision. Under law, it requires approval by the Extraordinary Council of the Medical Council, chaired by none other than Public Health Minister Somsak Thepsuthin. Crucially, Somsak has veto power.
If Somsak vetoes the decision, it will be sent back for reconsideration. To override his veto, two-thirds of the Medical Council must reaffirm their position. Even if the Council pushes the decision through, the sanctioned doctors still have the right to file an administrative lawsuit. In fact, legal teams are reportedly preparing lawsuits as we speak.
This drawn-out process means the Medical Council's ruling cannot yet be considered a 'conclusive fact.' Therefore, the claim that Thaksin faked his illness cannot be formally presented in the Supreme Court's upcoming session on June 13.
The result? Thaksin stands a high chance of escaping further legal enforcement in the '14th Floor' case.
June is set to be a scorching month politically, not just because of Thaksin, but because the Senate Vote-Rigging Scandal will reach its climax. Next week, arrest warrants for the remaining 95 individuals are expected to be issued. This list reportedly includes more than just senators—it implicates figures from a major political party.
More damaging still is the 'second sword': the money laundering and criminal association case being pursued by the Department of Special Investigation (DSI). Once the Election Commission officially pressed charges under the Organic Act on Senate Selection, the path was cleared for the DSI to proceed with criminal prosecution.
If those implicated are ministers, they face dismissal over ethical violations. If they are executive members of a political party, it opens the door for party dissolution.
With this pressure mounting, it's no surprise that reports have surfaced suggesting Bhumjaithai may vote down the national budget bill—interpreted by some as a political counterstrike against the 'anti-Senate operation' that now threatens to dissolve their party.
This is a game with no compromises—only breaking points. And in this high-stakes showdown, the cabinet reshuffle could be the final trigger. - The Nation/ANN
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New Straits Times
2 hours ago
- New Straits Times
Malaysia urges Thailand, Cambodia to resume peace talk
KUALA LUMPUR: Thailand and Cambodia have been urged to hold negotiations to restore peace and stability, in line with the spirit of Asean unity and fraternity. Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan said efforts to resolve the ongoing conflict between the two nations must be guided by principles of solidarity and good neighbourliness. He said Malaysia stands ready to play a constructive role, through the Asean Chair's Office, in helping Thailand and Cambodia resume talks and bring an end to the fighting. Mohamad also reiterated Malaysia's call for both countries to exercise maximum restraint and implement an immediate, unconditional ceasefire. "This is to prevent either Thailand or Cambodia from taking any action that may jeopardise peace efforts. "As the Asean Chair for 2025, Malaysia is deeply concerned about the escalating tensions between the governments of Thailand and Cambodia. "The situation has already resulted in rising casualties on both sides, widespread damage to public property, and the displacement of many residents from border areas," he said in a statement. The latest round of clashes between Thailand and Cambodia stems from tensions that began in May, following the death of a Cambodian soldier during an armed confrontation at the border. The 818-kilometre border between the two countries has long been a source of dispute, with both claiming sovereignty over areas demarcated during French colonial rule in 1907. Several ancient temples along the border remain key points of contention, including Prasat Ta Moan Thom and the famed Preah Vihear Temple. International media earlier reported that fighting had entered its third day, although there appeared to be a glimmer of hope, as both sides expressed willingness to seek diplomatic support, claimed acts of self-defence, and called for an end to hostilities through dialogue. At least 30 people have been killed and over 130,000 displaced in what is now the worst conflict between the two Southeast Asian neighbours in 13 years. Thailand's death toll remains at 19 as of today, while Cambodian Defence Ministry spokesperson Maly Socheata confirmed the deaths of five soldiers and eight civilians. In February, the dispute over Prasat Ta Moan Thom, a Khmer temple near the Thai border, flared up further when Thai authorities barred Cambodian tourists from singing their national anthem at the site. The Cambodian government, however, has denied initiating the conflict, stating it only responded after Thai forces launched an armed attack. Both nations have since severed diplomatic ties and continue to blame each other for triggering the violence. Thailand has also announced the closure of all border checkpoints with Cambodia until further notice.


The Star
2 hours ago
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The Star
3 hours ago
- The Star
Trump tariffs leave costly China supply question unanswered; Indonesia among countries deeply affected
JAKARTA (Bloomberg): President Donald Trump's recent flurry of trade deals have given Asian exporters some clarity on tariffs, but missing are key details on how to avoid punitive rates that target China's supply chains. Trump unveiled tariffs of 20% for Vietnam and 19% for Indonesia and the Philippines, signaling those are the levels the US will likely settle on for most of Southeast Asia, a region that ships US$352 billion worth of goods annually to the US. He's also threatened to rocket rates up to 40% for products deemed to be transshipped, or re-routed, through those countries - a move largely directed at curbing Chinese goods circumventing higher US tariffs. But still unclear to manufacturers is how the US will calculate and apply local-content requirements, key to how it will determine what constitutes transshipped goods. South-East Asian nations are highly reliant on Chinese components and raw materials, and US firms that source from the region would bear the extra tariff damage. That's left companies, investors and economists facing several unanswered questions about Trump's tariffs that appear aimed at squeezing out Chinese content, according to Deborah Elms, head of trade policy at the Hinrich Foundation in Singapore. "Is that raw materials? All raw materials? Above a certain percentage?' she said. "How about parts? What about labor or services? What about investment?' In an agreement with Indonesia last week, the White House said the two countries would negotiate "rules of origin' to ensure a third country wouldn't benefit. The deal with Vietnam earlier this month outlined a higher 40% tariff rate for transshipped goods. And Thai officials, who have yet to secure a deal, detailed that they likely need to boost local content in exports to the US. Missing Details The Trump administration isn't providing much clarity on the matter right now. US officials are still working out details with trading partners and looking at value-based local content requirements, to ensure exports are more than just assembled imported parts, according to a person familiar with the matter, who didn't want to be identified discussing private talks. A senior Trump administration official also said this week that details on the approach to transshipment are expected to be released before Aug. 1, the deadline for when higher US tariffs kick in. Some factories are already adjusting their supply chains to comply with rules that will require more locally-made components in production. Frank Deng, an executive at a Shanghai-based furniture exporter with operations in Vietnam - and which gets about 80% of business from the US - said in an interview his firm is making adjustments as authorities appear to be more strictly enforcing country-of-origin rules. Vietnam has always had specific local content requirements for manufacturers, Deng added, including that a maximum of 30% of the volume of raw materials originates from China, and the value after production in Vietnam must be 40% higher than the imported raw materials. "We've been struggling to meet all the standards so that we can still stay in the game,' Deng said. "But I guess that's the only way to survive now.' For most of Southeast Asia, reducing the amount of Chinese-made components in manufacturing will require a complete overhaul of their supply chains. Estimates from Eurasia Group show that Chinese components make up about 60% to 70% of exports from Southeast Asia - primarily industrial inputs that go into manufacturing assembly. About 15% of the region's exports now head to the US, up about four percentage points from 2018. Local Content The US has become increasingly vigilant about China's ability to bypass US trade tariffs and other restrictions through third countries since Trump's first trade war in 2017. Thailand signaled its frustration over the lack of clarity for how much local content is needed in goods exported to the US to avert transshipment rates, but noted it will likely be much higher than a traditional measure of 40%. "From what we've heard, the required percentage could be significantly higher, perhaps 60%, 70%, or even 80%,' Deputy Prime Minister Pichai Chunhavajira said July 14. "Emerging countries or new production bases are clearly at a disadvantage,' he said, as their manufacturing capabilities are still at an early stage and must rely on other countries for raw goods. Vietnam, Thailand and Malaysia have all taken steps this year to address Trump's concerns, increasing scrutiny of trade that passes through their ports including new rule-of-origin policies that centralize processing and imposing harsh penalties on transshippers. Developing nations may still struggle to enforce Trump's rules or comply with the rules if it means going up against China, their largest trading partner and geopolitical partner. "The reality is it's not enforceable at all,' said Dan Wang, China director at Eurasia Group. "Chinese companies have all kinds of ways to get around it and those other countries have no incentive to enforce those measures, or capacity to collect the data and determine local content.' -- Reports from Patpicha Tanakasempipat, Skylar Woodhouse and Nguyen Dieu Tu Uyen. -- ©2025 Bloomberg L.P.