
MTA will reap NYC business tax, speed camera fines under NY's $254B behemoth budget
Final details on a big business-bashing payroll tax to fund the MTA's ambitious capital plan were revealed Thursday as lawmakers voted on the behemoth $254 billion state budget.
The nitty-gritty budget bills also revealed a new way for the MTA to generate much needed cash: speed cameras targeting lead-footed bridge-and-tunnel drivers.
Raising taxes to 'feed the bottomless pit at the MTA' undercut Gov. Kathy Hochul's argument that the much-delayed budget is an affordability win for New Yorkers, state Sen. James Skoufis (D-Orange) said.
'Meanwhile, if the Governor ever got out of her helicopter, she would know the basics of government — like repaving roads or addressing crippling property taxes — continue to be neglected under her leadership,' he said.
3 A Gov. Kathy Hochul-approved budget deal includes a tax hike on big businesses for the MTA.
Lev Radin/ZUMA / SplashNews.com
The payroll mobility tax hike facing city companies with yearly payrolls of $10 or more will bump their rates from 0.6% to 0.895%.
And big payroll businesses in Long Island, Westchester and other suburban counties served by the MTA will see their rates go from 0.34% to 0.635%.
The hikes — which will help pay for the $68 billion plan to modernize the MTA's decaying trains, stations and infrastructure — follow the outlines revealed in a handshake deal between Hochul and state legislative leaders.
Many, but not all, business leaders fumed over the tax hike expected to hit up to 10,000 New York companies.
'Things will be run tighter, possibly with fewer raises,' billionaire business mogul John Catsimatidis, who owns the Gristedes and D'Agostino's grocery chains, previously told The Post. 'Will there be fewer hires? Absolutely!'
While the tax is being hiked on larger businesses, it's also being cut completely for employers with yearly payrolls that are less than $1.25 million.
The budget bills didn't just give the MTA a tax windfall.
3 Speed cameras soon could be coming to the MTA's bridges and tunnels.
KKF – stock.adobe.com
3 The Verrazzano Bridge is among nine bridges and tunnels where the MTA could set up cameras in work zones.
AFP via Getty Images
The MTA soon could install speed cameras in construction zones on its bridges and tunnels – including the Verrazzano Bridge – under a law tweak tucked into the budget.
The tweak expands a pilot program that already put the speeder-trapping cameras in certain New York State Thruway and state highway work zones.
The Robert F. Kennedy Bridge, Hugh L. Carey Tunnel, Queens-Midtown Tunnel and Verrazzano-Narrows Bridge are among the nine MTA-run bridges and tunnels that could see cameras.
The fines will be $50 for a first violation and $75 for a second within an 18-month window, MTA officials said.
Third and all subsequent speeding violations will be a $100 fine, the officials said.
The cameras can only be set up after public hearing and vote by the MTA's board, according to the bill.
Any MTA construction zone speed cameras will be separate from those working for the $9 construction pricing tolls for motorists entering Manhattan south of 60th Street.
The first-in-the-nation toll program has been criticized as effectively a tax on everyday New Yorkers who need to drive into lower Manhattan.
Additional reporting by Hannah Fierick
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CBS News
15 hours ago
- CBS News
Gov. Hochul touts installation of subway barriers on 56 platforms
Gov. Kathy Hochul says the MTA is on track to complete two subway safety milestones this year. Hochul said the MTA has installed barriers on 56 subway platforms, and over 100 more platforms should have them by the end of the year. The MTA says the barriers are designed to help prevent what they call "intrusion" on the tracks, or any unauthorized entry, including preventing people from falling, or potentially being pushed. The MTA says a recent customer survey showed a majority of respondents have said the presence of platform barriers in the station makes them feel safer. "New Yorkers' safety will always be my number one priority, and customers need to both feel and be secure every time they ride the subway," Hochul said. "At my direction, the MTA has ramped up the installation of protective platform barriers, building on their efforts to brighten stations with LED lighting and equip every subway car with security cameras. Transit crime is down in 2025, and these efforts will make the subway system safer for everyone." "With new platform barriers, MTA's thousands of new security cameras, increased deployments from the NYPD, and 10 percent less crime before COVID, it's no wonder customer satisfaction has risen dramatically this year," MTA Chair and CEO Janno Lieber. The agency has also installed LED bulbs at 342 stations, which puts it on track to hit 472 by the end of the year. It's part of an effort to brighten the lights on subway platforms. According to the MTA, there are now barriers at: Brooklyn: Manhattan: Queens:


The Hill
18 hours ago
- The Hill
Will the 2028 Democratic nominee be ‘none of the above'?
Did you hear the one where former Vice President Kamala Harris, former Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg and California Gov. Gavin Newsom were the leading candidates for the Democratic nomination for president in 2028? Neither have I. Nor have any Democrats I speak with who concern themselves with real-world politics. In a recent poll from a company called Echelon Insights — which describes itself as 'erasing old industry lines that separate the process of conducting research from the tools to act on it' — Harris was leading the Democratic field with 26 percent of the primary vote, followed by Buttigieg at 11 percent, Newsom at 10 percent, Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) at 7 percent and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) at 6 percent. I have spoken with numerous Democrats in or around the business of politics over the last few months. Not one believes that Harris will — or should be — the nominee. Similarly, none believe the other four names topping the poll will be the standard-bearer come November 2028. As has been stated many times in the past, a good lawyer can get a grand jury to indict a ham sandwich. The same holds true for polling. Depending on where you poll and how you shade the questions, a poll can bolster the views and desires of one partisan entity over the other, be they Democrats or Republicans. As for a recent glaring example of such polling flaws — purposeful or innocent — look no further than the truly laughable final Des Moines Register-Mediacom Iowa Poll of the 2024 election season conducted by Selzer and Co. In a state Trump was heavily favored to win, the jaw-dropping poll showed Harris leading Trump 47 percent to 44 percent. Of course, Trump went on to crush Harris in Iowa by 13 points, meaning the poll was a whopping 16 points off. 'How,' curious minds wondered, 'could a legitimate poll be that far off?' Some, including Trump himself, openly speculated whether it had been a tactic to suppress the Republican vote in the state. Trump was rightfully so bothered by the massive and mysterious failure of that poll that he decided to sue pollster J. Ann Selzer, her polling firm, the Des Moines Register newspaper and its parent company Gannett. Although the suit was later dropped, Selzer chose to retire from the polling business. All that is to say that more and more people in the business put little stock in any of these polls. Of course, at some point, some Democrat is going to emerge as the frontrunner and then the eventual nominee. After Trump's decisive victory in 2024, every Democrat I spoke with believed their party would learn from its mistakes and tone-deafness and move back toward the center — back toward once again listening to the voices of working-class and disenfranchised Americans. Not only has the party not done so, but it has doubled and tripled down on 'woke' and 'DEI' rhetoric while still loudly pushing its main 'policy' plank from 2024: 'We hate Trump.' Of course, the 'we hate Trump' strategy did nothing to address the 'bread and butter' issues upending the lives of working-class and disenfranchised Americans in 2024 and it is doing less for them now. And yet, 'rising voices' such as Reps. Ocasio-Cortez and Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) still invoke that strategy incessantly in egocentric attempts at gaining attention. Here is a suggestion for Democratic-leaning polling companies. Why not poll the minority, poor and disenfranchised constituents in the districts represented by Ocasio-Cortez and Crockett? Why not ask which 'bread and butter' emergencies either is fixing by appearing on show after show proclaiming their hatred of Trump? How has the 'leadership' of Ocasio-Cortez and Crockett improved the real lives of those constituents? Most Americans want to see those 'bread and butter' issues fixed. They don't live in entrenched and elite bubbles of entitlement. They exist in an often brutally tough world, in which many still must choose which necessity they will have to go without that month. They don't care if you 'hate Trump' or not. They want to feed and protect their children. And yet Democratic leaders still refuse to wrest control back from the far-left wing of their party. Why? Are they truly that afraid and intimidated by what really does amount to a tiny percentage of their base? In the meantime, the 2028 Republican Party bench could not be stronger. Vice President JD Vance, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, and Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. are all on the list. And guess what? Just as in 2024, all are laser-focused on the 'bread and butter' issues that most affect the quality of life of working-class and disenfranchised Americans. So who will be the Democratic nominee in 2028? As the internal battle for control of that party goes on, my money is still on 'none of the above.'


Time Magazine
19 hours ago
- Time Magazine
Roadblocks Cuomo Faces in NYC Mayoral Race, Per the Experts
Former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo's decision to re-enter the race for New York City Mayor after his decisive defeat in the Democratic primary in June has prompted plenty of discussion. Cuomo, who conceded the race to progressive newcomer Zohran Mamdani of the Democratic Party, announced his return via a video statement on July 14, during which he shared he will now run as an Independent. 'I am in it to win it,' Cuomo said. 'Only 13% of New Yorkers voted in the June primary. The general election is in November, and I am in it to win it. My opponent, Mr. Mamdani, offers slick slogans, but no real solutions.' Mamdani responded to Cuomo's video by commenting directly underneath it with a link to donate money to his own campaign. As of Saturday morning, Mamdani's X response has over 180,000 likes, while Cuomo's original post has just 5.5k. Experts have queried if Cuomo has learned from the mistakes of his Democratic primary campaign and whether he can overcome the roadblocks facing him in order to stand a solid chance in the November election. If Cuomo is to have a fighting chance, Boris Heersink, a political science professor at Fordham University, says he'll have to find a new narrative for his campaign, decide the key issues upon which he wants to build his platform, and somehow fight back against the campaigns of Mamdani, Republican Curtis Sliwa, and current Mayor Eric Adams, who is also running as an Independent. It's a delicate balancing act. 'It's actually going to be a pretty tough thing for him to figure out how to present an aggressive Cuomo, that's also a gentler Cuomo, and a more policy-focused Cuomo, all in one package,' says Heersink. Furthermore, some of the high-profile billionaires who previously showed support to Cuomo have since decided to back current Mayor Adams in the general election, including hedge-fund manager Bill Ackman. Now, Cuomo will need to garner new support. Here is what experts say Cuomo's major roadblocks will be as he attempts to run a successful mayoral campaign. Campaigning amid the backdrop of previous sexual harassment allegations Cuomo re-entering this race comes four years after he resigned as Governor of New York after a report from the state Attorney General accused Cuomo of sexually harassing at least 11 women, most of whom had worked for him. The allegations ranged from groping and kissing to remarks about the women's appearances and sex lives. Cuomo denied the allegations. He then went on to acknowledge that he "acted in a way that made people feel uncomfortable." He said it was "unintentional" and that he "truly and deeply apologised" over it. "I feel awful about it and, frankly, I am embarrassed by it," he said in a video statement, before doubling down on his statement that he "never touched anyone inappropriately." On Friday, July 19, the state of New York agreed to pay $450,000 to settle a lawsuit from Brittany Commisso, an ex-aide of Cuomo's who alleged he had sexually harassed and groped her while he was in office. In a statement, Commisso's lawyers referred to the settlement as 'a complete vindication of her claims' and said that Commisso is "glad to be able to move forward with her life." In response, lawyers for Cuomo said: 'The settlement is not a vindication, it is capitulation to avoid the truth," and once again referred to the allegations as "false." Heersink says that Cuomo has not addressed the allegations in his newly-relaunched mayoral campaign. "It's clearly not going to go away. If he's actually going to be actively out there campaigning, it's actually going to come up quite a lot in setups that he can't control,' Heersink says. 'It's a reason for a lot of people to never vote for Cuomo, [and] there's a decent number of people that I think are at least uncomfortable with it.' Cuomo has also come under fire over his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic during his time as New York Governor and the testimony he gave in regards to the high number of deaths reported in nursing homes during that time. Cuomo can't have tunnel vision. He must not only defeat Mamdani, but Adams and Sliwa too If Cuomo, Adams, and Sliwa split the non-Mamdani vote, Mamdani will 'certainly' win, Heersink says, arguing that Cuomo needs to convince all those who say they are supporting Adams or Sliwa 'to transfer their support to him, so that he can prevent Mamdani from winning the election.' In order to do that, Heersink says Cuomo will need to posit Mamdani as a 'real threat,' but this could admittedly descend into a 'negative' campaign, something he may be keen to avoid. In an interview with the New York Magazine, published earlier this week, Cuomo appeared to be on board, at least partly, with a renewed approach, admitting that this time around he needs to be 'aggressive across the board.' For Laura Tamman, a professor of political science at Pace University, the issue is that Mamdani has often done better with someone to villainize against. So Cuomo's efforts on that front could end up backfiring. 'Cuomo is a good person for Mamdani to excite people against,' she says. 'It's helpful for fundraising. It's helpful for galvanizing volunteers.' (Cuomo's Super Pac battled hard against Mamdani in the primary, yet he didn't defeat him.) Tamman echoes Heersink's argument that Cuomo will need to consolidate all of the non-Democrat voters, as well as a 'healthy number' of people who are registered as Democrats, in order to claim victory in November. It's because of this that Brian Arbour, associate professor of political science at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, argues that partisanship will be Cuomo's enemy. 'It's a partisan election, and you somehow have to get Democrats not to vote for the Democrat,' he says. Cuomo can't undervalue the importance of likeability Cuomo does not have the 'winner vibe' around him right now, experts tell TIME, so he will need to find a 'positive reason' for people to rally behind him, rather than just a 'negative reason' to not vote for the other candidates. Cuomo, in his latest campaign video and interviews, is seemingly trying to come across as more approachable, experts argue, with Heersink saying it perhaps shows that he has 'learned something' from the Democratic primary upset. 'The approach that he [Cuomo] took in the Democratic primary was, essentially, 'I'm gonna win this thing so I don't actually have to talk to you,'' says Heersink. 'In the primary, he barely campaigned—he was a candidate, but most of the actual campaigning on his behalf was being done by his Super PAC.' Cuomo could be seen shaking the hands of New Yorkers on the street, visiting subway stations, and engaging in more community-driven activities as he announced his re-entry to the race. But Camille Rivera, a political campaign strategist at New Deals Strategies, remains unconvinced this approach will resonate with voters after the primary. She argues that 'not being available for people or press doesn't work in New York City' and that it could feel 'disingenuous' and 'offensive to voters' to start now. Finding an issue to galvanize voters around Mamdani's success, in part, stems from his centering of the issue of affordability, and the popularity of his calls to 'freeze the rent,' make buses free, and provide free childcare in the city. Heersink says that Cuomo will need to find an equally compelling issue of his own to galvanize voters around. 'I think if you were to ask people what are the policies that Cuomo ran on in the Democratic primary, they would have a tough time summarizing that,' he says. 'To be fair, I think that's a criticism you can make of lots of candidates in the Democratic primary.' Yet, Mamdani differentiated himself in this sense, making sure that his policies stood out. When discussing his re-entry to the race, Cuomo told New York Magazine that combatting crime will be a core focus of his platform. 'We either stop the crime, stop the exodus, or we pivot now and start to bring the city back,' he said. 'But I believe it's A or B. You continue the decline and we have real trouble. Or we take a different path to start to make some changes. And I think Mamdani takes us in exactly the wrong direction.' Yet, with Adams in the race, Arbour says that it will be harder for Cuomo to "differentiate himself on this issue,' as it's a core principle of Adams' platform, too. "It's certainly the issue that Adams wants to talk about [also], and it fits with his background,' Arbour says, highlighting Adams' focus on combatting crime since his election in 2021.