
Ahead of China-U.S. talks, Trump says 80% tariff 'seems right'
U.S. President Donald Trump said on Friday an 80% tariff on Chinese goods "seems right," for the first time suggesting a specific alternative to the 145% levies he has imposed on Chinese imports ahead of closely watched weekend talks.
U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and chief trade negotiator Jamieson Greer will meet Chinese economic tsar He Lifeng in Switzerland for talks aimed at containing a trade war between the world's two biggest economies.
It could be the first step toward resolving a damaging trade conflict that has already entangled global supply chains.
Asked how the U.S. president came to the 80% figure, White House spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt said, "That was a number the president threw out there, and we'll see what happens this weekend."
Trump will not unilaterally bring down tariffs on China, however, she stressed. "We need to see concessions from them as well."
China is also sending a top public-security official to the talks in Geneva, a source familiar with the plans said. The development, first reported by the Wall Street Journal, is an indication of the importance of the issue of fentanyl trafficking to the talks and the wider U.S.-China relationship.
Trump has linked the two issues, using the fentanyl scourge as the rationale for the initial imposition of punitive import taxes on goods from China, Canada and Mexico earlier this year.
China's embassy in Washington did not respond immediately to a request for comment.
"China should open up its market to USA – would be so good for them!!! Closed markets don't work anymore!!!" Trump wrote in an all-caps social media post. "80% tariff on China seems right. Up to Scott B.," he added moments later.
China's foreign ministry has decried what it calls abusive and bullying economic tactics, and said that China remains firmly opposed to what it calls an unsustainable approach to trade by the U.S.
While Trump has indicated on several recent occasions that he expects the punitive tariff rates he has imposed on China to come down, he had not until now floated a potential figure for where they might fall to.
Even though 80% is just around half the current rate, it remains extraordinarily high and is above even the hefty 60% rate that Trump had said he would impose during his campaign for president last year. It was not clear how well it would be received by China amid what Bessent has already cast as an effective trade embargo between the two countries.
What level tariff rates settle at – and not just for China – has been a central focus for investors rattled by months of financial market volatility arising from the chaotic rollout of Trump's aggressive trade policies.
U.S. stocks, which have recouped a significant chunk of their losses since mid-February's record high, were modestly lower on Friday after Trump's social media post. The dollar was weaker against a basket of major trading partners' currencies.
Since taking office in January, Trump has hiked the tariffs paid by U.S. importers for goods from China to 145%, in addition to those he imposed on many Chinese goods during his first term and the duties levied by the Biden administration.
China hit back by imposing export curbs on some rare earth elements, vital for U.S. manufacturers of weapons and electronic consumer goods, and raising tariffs on U.S. goods to 125%. It also imposed extra levies on some products including soybeans and liquefied natural gas.
The weekend talks in Geneva have been described by Trump administration officials as a step towards de-escalating tensions with China. White House economic adviser Kevin Hassett, director of the National Economic Council, said the meeting seemed "very promising" to U.S. officials.
"We're seeing extreme respect, treating both sides with respect," Hassett said in an interview with CNBC. "We're seeing collegiality and also sketches of positive developments."
Trump's push on tariffs is widely seen to be elevating risks to the U.S. economy, with concerns that they will lift prices for American consumers and businesses and rekindle inflation while at the same time cutting into the demand that has so far propped up the job market.
Indeed, Trump is already facing dropping approval ratings over his handling of trade as Americans brace to pay more for clothes, electronics, toys and countless other goods that emerge from Chinese factories.
China's government is seeking to mitigate closures, bankruptcies and job losses at manufacturers who are struggling to find viable alternatives to the U.S. market.
Representing the meeting's host, Swiss Vice President Guy Parmelin, who also serves as economic minister, emerged from separate bilateral meetings in Geneva with the U.S. and Chinese delegations with optimistic words for reporters.
'It's already a success," Parmelin said. "The two sides are talking ... If a road map can emerge and they decide to continue discussions, that will lower the tensions.'
"We could imagine everything – we could imagine a mutual suspension of customs duties during the course of the discussions," Parmelin added, noting they could extend into Sunday or even Monday. "That's up to the parties."
© Thomson Reuters 2025.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


NHK
3 minutes ago
- NHK
Japan's trade negotiator to urge Trump to sign executive orders to cut tariffs
Japan's top negotiator for trade talks with the United States says the government intends to urge President Donald Trump to sign executive orders necessary to cut tariffs on Japanese imports at an early date. Economic Revitalization Minister Akazawa Ryosei made the remarks in an NHK news program on Saturday. Akazawa referred to the latest meeting in which Japan and the US reached an agreement on trade and tariffs. He said Trump is skilled at making deals with a style that presses for an answer. He said if Japan fell silent, that would be the end of it. So Akazawa raised his hand dozens of times, saying, "Mr. President, may I ask one more?" Akazawa stressed the significance of the agreement, saying Japan successfully lowered tariffs by 10 percentage points from the rate that had been scheduled to kick in on August 1. He said about 10 trillion yen in losses have been avoided. He also referred to a plan in which up to 550 billion dollars, or about 80 trillion yen, would be offered through government-affiliated financial institutions, including the Japan Bank for International Cooperation, for bilateral cooperation in economic security. The funds will be included in the category of investment, loans and loan guarantees. He said investment is expected to account for 1 or 2 percent of the total and that the Japanese government plans to accumulate the funds during Trump's term of office. Akazawa noted that what the government should do now is urge Trump to issue executive orders to lower the tariffs, not to draw up joint documents.


Japan Today
an hour ago
- Japan Today
For sale: Trump is leveraging power of his office to reap profits for family businesses
By BRIAN SLODYSKO and WILL WEISSERT If one theme has emerged in President Donald Trump's second term, it's this: He's leveraged the power of his office for personal gain unlike anyone before in history. From crypto coins to bibles, overseas development deals to an upcoming line of cellphones, Trump family businesses have raked in hundreds of millions of dollars since his election, an unprecedented flood of often shadowy money from billionaires, foreign governments and cryptocurrency tycoons with interests before the federal government. 'He is president and is supposed to be working in the public's interest,' said James Thurber, an emeritus professor at American University, who has researched lobbying, campaign finance and political corruption for decades. 'Instead, he is helping his own personal interest to grow his wealth. It's totally not normal.' The sums amassed by the Trump Organization, the collection of companies controlled by the president's children, are far greater than those collected by the family during the president's first term, when patronage of his hotels, resorts and golf courses was de rigueur to curry favor with the famously transactional commander-in-chief. The second time around, the Trump family's ambitions are far grander, stretching from cyberspace to far-flung regions across the globe. One of Trump's cryptocurrencies is conservatively estimated to have pulled in at least $320 million since January, while another received a $2 billion investment from a foreign government wealth fund. A third has sold at least $550 million in tokens. His sons have jetted across the Middle East to line up new development deals, while his daughter and son-in-law are working with the Albanian government to build a Mediterranean island resort. Even first lady Melania Trump has inked a $40 million documentary deal with Amazon, whose founder, Jeff Bezos, was a frequent target of Trump during his first presidency and whose companies contract extensively with the federal government. The dealmaking is a rejection of Trump's first-term pledge to 'drain the swamp' in Washington and dwarfs the influence peddling efforts of former President Joe Biden's family, whom Trump and his allies attacked as the 'Biden Crime Family.' While Democrats have condemned Trump for his overlapping roles as a beneficiary and president, he is not likely to face any immediate repercussions for such extensive conflicts-of-interest. Congress is controlled by fellow Republicans, and his administration is stocked with loyalists who have dismantled many guardrails of oversight. Last summer, the Supreme Court, with a conservative majority cemented by Trump, ruled that presidents have broad immunity from prosecution. Even in the rare cases where Trump's allies have urged caution, the president has ignored them. That's what happened when he accepted a $400 million 'beautiful, big, magnificent, free airplane' from the Qatari government. Trump said the Boeing 747 'would go directly' to his presidential library upon leaving office. 'It's the Mount Everest of corruption' said Sen. Jeff Merkley, an Oregon Democrat. Since Richard Nixon resigned in disgrace, presidents have gone to great lengths to avoid the appearance of such conflicts. Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan kept assets in a 'blind trust,' while George H.W. Bush used a 'diversified trust,' which blocked him from knowing what was in his portfolio. His son, George W. Bush, used a similar arrangement. Barack Obama was an exception, but his investments were mostly a bland mix of index funds and U.S. treasuries. During his first term, Trump even gave a nod toward ethics. He issued a moratorium on foreign deals. But instead of placing his assets in a blind trust like many of his predecessors, he handed the reins of the Trump Organization to his children, which kept his financial holdings close. This time, he has made no such gesture. His sons, Eric and Donald Jr., are again running the business while Trump is in office. And though the White House says he is not involved in its day-to-day decisions, the trust he has established continues to profit. He promotes his resorts, merchandise and the family's crypto ventures while residing in the White House, often from his account on Truth Social, the social media company he and his allies launched. He's also touted a line of Trump shoes, a Bible, which is made in China, and Trump guitars, one of which is a $1,500 Gibson Les Paul knockoff, featuring 'Make America Great Again' fret inlays. Conservative groups and Republican committees have spent at least $25 million at Trump properties since 2015, with most of it coming from Trump's own political organization, campaign finance disclosures show. Yet, those ventures pale in comparison to his exploits in cryptocurrency, which offers perhaps the clearest example of the conflicts of interest that have come to dominate Trump's second term. Trump was once a crypto skeptic who declared that cryptocurrencies were 'not money,' were based on 'thin air' and seemed 'like a scam.' By the time he was running again for president, however, he'd become a proponent of the industry. 'The difference now is he has realized that it can be his scam,' said Hilary Allen, a law professor at American University who specializes in banking and cryptocurrencies. Trump has pledged to turn the U.S. into the 'crypto capital of the world' and promised to roll back oversight of the industry. Deregulation, of course, will help his own businesses. At the height of the campaign, Trump announced the launch of his own crypto coin and World Liberty Financial, a cryptocurrency firm that would be run by his sons and several business associates. Among those partners was Steve Witkoff, now one of Trump's top diplomatic envoys. The Trump Organization and World Liberty Financial declined to comment. But it was also rooted in his 2024 campaign. At a crypto event at his Mar-a-Lago club in Florida in May 2024, he received assurances that industry figures would spend lavishly to get him reelected, The Associated Press previously reported. Asked recently at the White House if he'd consider having his family business step back from its crypto investments to avoid questions about conflicts of interest, Trump said: 'We've created a very powerful industry. That's much more important than anything that we invest in." 'I don't care about investing. You know, I have kids and they invest in it, because they do believe in it," Trump added of crypto. "But I'm president, and what I did do there was build an industry that's very important. And, if we didn't have it, China would.' Harrison Fields, a White House spokesman, reiterated that Trump's crypto boosterism isn't driven by self-interest. He 'is taking decisive action to establish regulatory clarity for digital financial technology and to secure America's position as the world's leader in the digital asset economy,' Fields said. 'The Trump administration," Fields added, "is fulfilling the president's promise to make the United States the crypto capital of the planet by driving innovation and economic opportunity for all Americans.' Trump on Friday signed new cryptocurrency legislation that had been sought by the industry. Among the provisions is a ban on members of Congress issuing their own 'stablecoins,' a particular type of cryptocurrency. The prohibition does not extend to the president. Fields said it was unfair to equate critics' charges of conflicts of interest against Trump with the president's own suggestions that Biden's family benefited financially while he was in office. He said Trump's policies haven't benefited the president personally and have nothing to do with his family's financial concerns — and said Trump entered the White House an already successful businessman who didn't need a political career to become rich. Even so, Trump's family is poised to benefit financially from the crypto industry's growing clout. It holds a majority ownership stake that entitles them to 75% of earnings from their first coin, released last September, according to World Liberty Financial's website. The coin, $WLFI, was not an immediate success. Then, after the president's election, sales took off. Days before his inauguration, Trump announced a new meme coin, $Trump, during the 'Crypto Ball,' a Washington gala intended to showcase a regulatory sea change he vowed to usher in. 'Time to celebrate everything we stand for: WINNING!' Trump posted to his X account. 'Join my very special Trump Community. GET YOUR $TRUMP NOW.' Often created as a joke with no real utility, meme coins are prone to wild price swings that often enrich a small group of insiders at the expense of less sophisticated investors. $Trump soared to over $70, but its price soon collapsed, losing money for many. It has hovered around $10 since March. Trump did well, though. By the end of April, the coin had earned over $320 million in fees, according to an analysis by the crypto tracking firm Chainalysis. A third cryptocurrency, a stablecoin called USD1, launched in April. There appear to be upsides for Trump's cryptocurrency investors and associates. Justin Sun, a Chinese-born crypto billionaire, has disclosed investing nearly $200 million in the Trumps' various crypto ventures. Amid this spree, the Trump administration paused a securities fraud case against him. In June, Sun announced he was taking his crypto company, Tron, public after securing financing through a deal brokered by Eric Trump. Then, last week, Sun posted on X that he was purchasing an additional $100 million worth of Trump's meme coin. Sun is not the only one. Changpen Zhao, a convicted felon who founded the crypto exchange Binance, was part of a megadeal in which a United Arab Emirates-controlled wealth fund invested $2 billion in the Trump stablecoin, USD1, which it used to purchase a stake in Zhao's Binance. The deal gave outsized publicity to World Liberty Financial and instantly made the stablecoin one of the top in the market. It will also allow the Trump family and their business partners to reinvest the $2 billion and collect interest, estimated to be worth as much as $80 million a year. Soon after the purchase was announced, Trump granted the UAE greater access to U.S. artificial intelligence chips, which it had long sought. Binance and Zhao benefited, too. Binance is restricted in the U.S. and entered a settlement with the Biden administration that sent Zhao to jail in 2024 after he pleaded guilty to failing to maintain an anti-money-laundering program. Prosecutors said he looked the other way as criminals used his platform to move money connected to child sex abuse, drug trafficking and terrorism. In May, Trump's Securities and Exchange Commission dropped the final federal enforcement action against Binance. Zhao, who goes by CZ, is now seeking a pardon. The White House says no decision has been made on issuing such a grant of clemency. Trump announced several months ago a new promotion that would trade on his presidency: He was hosting a dinner at his Virginia golf club for the top 220 investors in his meme coin, $Trump, with a special White House tour for the top 25. That fueled a temporary rise in the coin's value. It also helped enrich the Trump Organization, which is entitled to collect fees when the coin is traded. A month later, Trump addressed attendees of the dinner, standing before a lectern with the presidential seal. The White House said at the time that it had nothing to do with the meme coin. For decades, campaign contributions and lobbying have been governed by laws that place limits on how much donors can give, require a degree of transparency and limit how politicians can spend the money they raise. Trump's venture into cryptocurrency effectively sidesteps these laws, legal and finance experts say. 'It's a lot like the Trump Hotel from the first term, but what crypto has done is dispensed with the need for the hotel,' said Allen, the law professor. 'Because crypto assets can be made out of thin air, he has found a way of creating an unlimited supply of assets to offer to people who want to give.' Associated Press writer Aaron Kessler contributed from Washington. © Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.


The Mainichi
4 hours ago
- The Mainichi
Bill Emmott: Japan should lead regional collaboration to cope with Trump 'typhoon'
By Bill Emmott, independent writer, lecturer and international affairs consultant During all the decades of the U.S.-Japan security alliance, which has been one of the closest security partnerships anywhere in the world, Japan has had to worry about two contradictory dangers: abandonment and entrapment. Abandonment would involve Japan's interests being ignored by its partner amid a deal with one of its enemies; entrapment would mean being forced to fight alongside the United States in a war chosen by the Americans but not by the Japanese. These worries about extreme outcomes have tended to alternate, depending on the political mood in Washington, DC, at the time. Yet currently Japan finds itself worrying about both abandonment and entrapment simultaneously. This may be as good a sign as any that the Trump administration represents a sharp break with the postwar past. The entrapment fear has always felt the likelier danger. It has now reared its head again in a surprising way, as senior US defence officials have been reported to have been pressing Japan and Australia to make explicit commitments about whether they would fight to defend Taiwan in the event of an attempted Chinese invasion or coercion. The surprise is that American officials are pressing such close allies for an explicit commitment when not even the United States itself, and especially not its Commander in Chief, President Donald Trump, has made its own intentions clear. This is not a total break with recent American administrations, but it does put Japan in a potentially awkward position. During the Biden administration a mutual concern over the security and stability of Taiwan did begin to feature in the US-Japan communiques issued after meetings between the Japanese prime minister and the U.S. president, showing that some sort of explicit commitment to working together to preserve the status quo was being sought by the United States. However, that is not the same, at least not politically the same, as actually committing yourself to fight a future war, in circumstances that cannot be predicted and without knowing what America's own stance would be. To do so would be politically extremely difficult, especially for a government that currently lacks a majority in the Diet. Beyond domestic politics, the immediate risk would not be of a war itself but rather of such a commitment causing a further worsening of Japan's relations with China, to no obvious purpose. Abandonment has always looked the less likely of the twin dangers, for having Japan as its largest overseas military base has mattered so much to America and its regional presence in the Indo-Pacific that the idea of it deserting its Japanese ally has looked implausible. This remains true, especially given the emphasis being laid by leading figures in the Pentagon and the Republican Party on the contest with China for both regional and global supremacy. However, President Trump is well known to be highly transactional, especially in foreign policy. He has also indicated a strong sympathy for the very 19th century idea that great powers are entitled to have "spheres of influence" in the areas around their own borders. He has, for example, expressed a determination that America should gain control over Greenland, the icy territory that is part of Denmark but adjacent to the north-east coast of the United States, has declared that Canada should become the U.S.'s "51st State," and has insisted the U.S. should regain control over the Panama Canal. This makes it conceivable, even if still improbable, that at some point Trump could be tempted to accept Chinese control over its "sphere" of Taiwan and the South China Sea in return for China accepting US control over territories in its region. That would give China control over the main sea lanes surrounding Japan and a greatly increased ability to intimidate other countries in the region, including Japan, South Korea and the Philippines. This is, admittedly, a rather extreme scenario. The identification by most members of Trump's Republican Party of China as America's leading global adversary, and the strong support for Taiwan held by those same Republicans, makes it feel especially unlikely. Yet the fact that the idea of such a "grand bargain" with China is talked about at all simply underlines how unpredictable is the foreign policy of this American president, with the range of actions and outcomes during the remaining three and a half years of his term looking wider than under any U.S. president in living memory. The governments of every longstanding ally of the United States are having to live with this uncertainty, one which reflects a broader question: using a meteorological metaphor, does Trump represent a temporary extreme-weather event, like an especially severe typhoon, or does he represent climate change, a trend that will endure? The safest answer is that he is a bit of both: his extreme volatility and hostile manner can be seen as personal and thus temporary, but some of the ideas he is purveying have a broader resonance in the United States that could persist after he is gone. The central role that America plays in the security of the Indo-Pacific gives Japan little choice other than to adapt to whatever extreme weather emerges from Washington, DC. The more forward-leaning stance Japan has taken on defence, first under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and then with the new National Security Strategy under Prime Minister Fumio Kishida in 2022, has had the dual purpose of increasing Japan's contribution to joint deterrence operations with America and creating more long-term options for national security in case relations with Washington become more fractured. Continuing and even enhancing this strategy remains Japan's only viable plan. What Japan could perhaps invest even more time in is in its already impressive diplomatic efforts in north-east and south-east Asia. To cope with the Trump "typhoon" and to increase Japan's own leverage over Washington at any time of crisis, it makes sense to work more closely with other countries that face the same pressures, starting with South Korea but also extending south to Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Taiwan itself. All these countries are facing hostility from Trump over trade while also needing to invest more in their own security and economic resilience, in a region in which the two superpowers, China and the U.S., are both unavoidable presences but also habitual bullies. It therefore makes sense to work together on trade, technology, security and other issues as much as possible, to increase bargaining power as well as resilience. Japan has a key role, as well as opportunity, to drive this regional collaboration. The contradictory fears of entrapment and abandonment can never be eliminated, but through collaboration they can perhaps be mitigated.