‘What else could Cyril have done?' South Africans praise calm Ramaphosa after White House ambush
Many South Africans are praising President Cyril Ramaphosa's calm demeanor as President Donald Trump's multimedia ambush unfolded in front of the world's press. He pushed back gently whenever he could, but he didn't raise his voice or show anger, displaying his decades of negotiation experience.
'What else could Cyril have done?' asked veteran journalist Milton Nkosi. 'You're damned if you do, damned if you don't. I think they were caught completely unawares. How on earth could you have planned for that?' said Nkosi, who's a senior research fellow at the Africa Asia Dialogues think tank.
On social media and across South Africa's broadcast outlets, consensus seemed to quickly form that Ramaphosa did the best under the circumstances. He remained 'calm, collected and humble in the face of bigotry and lies,' posted one user on X. 'You were a leader today. Went to build not to fight.'
Ramaphosa brought his own White billionaire to the meeting – luxury goods magnate Johan Rupert, who's behind brands like Cartier – who told Trump that violent crime affects all races, but his words fell on deaf ears.
Rupert even threw tech billionaire Elon Musk, who was also in the room, a bone.
'We have too many deaths. But it's across the board,' Rupert said. 'It's not only White farmers. It's across the board. We need technological help. We need Starlink at every little police station. We need drones.'
One White South African called Rupert a traitor to his fellow Afrikaners in a social media post.
Another prominent White South African, agriculture minister John Steenhuisen, also tried to convince their Oval Office host that he had been misled.
The most dramatic part of the scene was when Trump called for lights to be dimmed and screened a four-and-a-half minute montage claiming to show evidence of a White genocide. It included far-left opposition leader Julius Malema singing 'Kill the Boer, kill the farmer' as a crowd chanted along.
Officially named 'Dubula iBhunu' in the Xhosa language, the song emerged in the 1980s to fight the unjust system of segregation. South African courts have ruled that it doesn't mean a literal call to kill White farmers.
The Supreme Court of Appeal ruled in 2024 that any 'reasonably well-informed person' would see it as a 'historic struggle song, with the performance gestures that go with it, as a provocative means of advancing his party's political agenda.'
Trump confronted Ramaphosa on why he had not arrested Malema for it.
Malema, leader of the the Economic Freedom Fighters party, responded in his typical fiery way on X: 'A group of older men meet in Washington to gossip about me,' he said, disputing the claims of a genocide. 'We will not agree to compromise our political principles on land expropriation without compensation for political expediency.'
Malema was expelled from Ramaphosa's African National Congress (ANC) party more than a decade ago and came third in the most recent election.
Most of the information that Trump used to try to prove that 'White genocide' is happening in South Africa has repeatedly been disproven.
Some South Africans have said that they believe that the information is 'AfriForum propaganda' – referring to a White Afrikaner lobby group criticized as being a White nationalist group.
Its chief executive told CNN the group was pleased with how the meeting went.
'It shows that the South African president and the ANC leadership cannot just simply sweep real problems that we have in the country under the carpet and think they will disappear,' Kallie Kriel said in a voice note.
CNN has looked at data from the South African police and has found no evidence of a 'White genocide.' A video played by Trump purported to show thousands of White farmers buried along the side of the road – but Ramaphosa said that he did not recognize the video, and that there was no evidence it showed what Trump claimed it displayed.
It was the toughest public test yet for Ramaphosa, a skilled dealmaker who led negotiations for Nelson Mandela in talks that ended apartheid.
'It is absolutely absurd to sit and watch the president of the most powerful country in the world telling the man who negotiated to end apartheid, who was locked up in solitary confinement, that there's White genocide in South Africa, which is a lie. That is crazy,' Nkosi told CNN.
It was a good day for South Africa's White nationalists. The president of the United States repeated their talking points from the bully pulpit of the White House, giving them the highest-profile validation they could have ever dreamed of.
The South African delegation expected a confrontational meeting, but nothing could have prepared them for the ambush that awaited them.
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'Let's cut ties here,' Low wrote in an email message to Musk at the time, viewed by POLITICO. Musk by then had launched his brain implant company Neuralink and had long been dreaming of colonizing Mars. 'Good luck with your implants, all of them, and with building Pottersville on Mars. Seriously, don't fuck with me,' Low wrote. Musk, of course, went on to donate $288 million during the 2024 election, which cemented his place in MAGA politics and status as the largest and most prominent individual political donor in the country. His America PAC once vowed to 'keep grinding' at an even more audacious political playbook ahead of the midterms. But Musk scaled back his 2026 ambitions, promising to do 'a lot less' campaign spending in the future, shortly before his public clash with Trump. With Musk's allegiance to MAGA called into question, Low predicted he could seek revenge behind the scenes — 'it's not a question of if, it's a question of when' — a possibility Trump has openly pondered. 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Low spoke to the press infrequently between the early 2010s, when his company partnered with Hawking, and when he posted the takedown that ended any remaining friendship with Musk earlier this year. One of the rare exceptions was a 2013 fireside chat where Low, in an 'Occupy Mars' shirt, spoke next to Musk at the Canadian Consul General's Residence in Los Angeles. Low sees little daylight between the Elon he knew before and the one who fractured his relationship with the president. 'A lot of people close to him will say that he changed. I don't believe that to be true,' he said. 'I've seen this side of Elon over the years, but I just think that over time, he got cozy with the idea of showing more of that, and now it seems to have affected him.' When Musk came under fire for his salutes at Trump's post-inauguration rally, Low, the son of a Holocaust survivor, said he first confronted his former friend with a private message. He said in the email viewed by POLITICO: 'I am so glad I fired your dumb ass' and warned him to learn from the fate of Rodion Raskolnikov, the central character in 'Crime and Punishment,' who convinces himself that extraordinary men are justified in committing crimes if they serve a higher goal. Four days passed without a reply, and Low proceeded to cut contact before letting it rip in a nearly 2,000-word open letter that went viral on Facebook and LinkedIn. 'I made my displeasure known to him as one of his closest former friends at that point, and I blocked him,' he said. That's a diplomatic description. Low in his letter delivered a blistering portrait of Musk as a narcissist whose 'lust for power' keeps driving him to undermine the very organizations that challenge his hold on it. Musk didn't respond publicly. According to Low, those tendencies put Musk 'in a league of his own' in Silicon Valley — where he locked into power struggles with many a co-founder, from PayPal's Peter Thiel to Tesla's Martin Eberhard to OpenAI's Sam Altman. And the predictable playbook followed him to Trump's side as first buddy, a role Low dubbed his former friend's greatest investment. 'Elon has his own pattern of trying to destabilize companies. He wants to take over, and if he can't take them over, then he tries to create a rival entity to compete,' Low said. 'They were absolutely on a collision course, and I think that Trump tried to gloss over it by making it look as if he wanted Elon to be as aggressive as he was.' Musk is back in industry mode, for now. Earlier this month, he addressed an artificial intelligence boot camp hosted by the startup accelerator Y Combinator in San Francisco, downplaying the importance of the Department of Government Efficiency by comparing his work on the commission to cleaning up beaches. 'Imagine you're cleaning a beach, which has a few needles, trash and is dirty. And there's a 1,000-foot tsunami, which is AI, that's about to hit. You're not going to focus on cleaning the beach,' Musk told the crowd of students and recent graduates of why he ultimately left. His attention has since shifted to Austin, Texas, where Tesla heavily promoted and launched its long-hyped robotaxi service last weekend. Of companies within Musk's business empire, the automaker took the hardest hit from his political entanglements, battered by consumer protests, tariffs, declining sales and dips in its stock price that allowed SpaceX to overtake it as his most valuable asset. Low looks back at the Tesla Takedown protests that sprung up in the months following his letter with satisfaction. It was proof, in his mind, that the message struck a chord: 'The audience was the world, and it worked.' While few peers in Silicon Valley have called out Musk to the same degree, Low added that several reacted positively to him in private for taking those criticisms public. 'Many of these people happen to have investors on their boards, who made money with Elon, so they felt that they were putting themselves at risk if they spoke out,' he said. 'A number of people did reach out and thank me, and they were in violent agreement.' Low said he had 'an armada' of lawyers at the ready in case Musk went after him. That possibility hasn't yet panned out. Although they no longer speak, Low still follows Musk's activities. He said he was busy during the Trump feud and had to catch up later. But during the interview with POLITICO, he would reference the occasional X post from Musk, including a recent one where he shared negative drug test results to dispute reports of his alleged ketamine use. To Low, the post was a sign the rift hasn't been fully smoothed over and that Musk is 'playing defense.' Bannon has called for a federal investigation into New York Times reporting that claimed Musk took large amounts of ketamine and other drugs while campaigning for Trump. POLITICO has not independently verified the allegations. 'The way I read that is that he is concerned that some government contracts could be canceled and that the drug use could be used against him, so he's trying to already build a moat,' Low said. As for Trump, Low has some advice for handling a potentially resentful Musk: 'Abide by the constitution,' and perhaps, listen to some of the tech titan's policy preferences. Low was especially outspoken against the administration's ICE raids and efforts to limit immigration, arguing they will cost America its advantage in technologies like AI by sapping Silicon Valley of the global talent that allows it to compete. Many in tech circles had hoped Musk's seat at the table would help the industry loosen barriers for high-skilled workers, a cause he once vowed to 'go to war' with MAGA Republicans over. That's something that Low, given his experience with Musk, thinks Trump should take seriously. 'Elon has wooed enough of Trump's supporters to be an actual threat politically,' Low said, arguing that Trump would better insulate himself by moderating his agenda. 'He doesn't realize the battle that he has on his hands, and one way to cut the support away from Elon is to actually adopt some of the things he is for.'