
Thailand gets PM for only one day after leader suspended over ethical misconduct
The development came a day after Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra was suspended on Tuesday over a complaint linked to a leaked phone call.
It was alleged that during the phone call, Paetongtarn appeared to criticise the army and side with Cambodia in a border dispute — a potential breach of conduct under the constitution.
Paetongtarn has 15 days to respond.
For now, Deputy Prime Minister Suriya Jungrungreangkit leads a shaky coalition, Bloomberg reported.
Thailand's acting prime minister is set to helm the country for only one full day Wednesday – standing in for suspended premier Paetongtarn Shinawatra before being replaced himself in a cabinet reshuffle.
Suriya Jungrungreangkit, Thailand's Transport minister and deputy prime minister, began his engagements by attending a ceremony in Bangkok celebrating the longevity of the prime minister's office.
The event marks the 93rd anniversary of an institution Suriya is set to command for far fewer than 93 hours
The Constitutional Court said on Tuesday there was "sufficient cause to suspect" Paetongtarn Shinawatra breached ministerial ethics during a diplomatic spat with Cambodia, suspending her pending a probe that could last months.
Paetongtarn is the heiress of the country's dominant political dynasty. The 38-year-old is the daughter of political heavyweight Thaksin Shinawatra, whose family and party have been jousting with Thailand's conservative establishment since the early 2000s.
She became prime minister only last August.
After the setback on Tuesday, power immediately passed to 70-year-old Suriya, a veteran operator with a reputation in Thai media as a political weathervane for always aligning himself with the government of the day.
Suriya's time as acting premier is set to be cut short by a cabinet reshuffle already scheduled before Tuesday's court bombshell.
When it takes effect in an oath-swearing ceremony scheduled on Thursday, Suriya is set to be superseded by incoming interior minister Phumtham Wechayachai.
The ruling Pheu Thai party said late Tuesday that Phumtham will take over after the cabinet reshuffle because he will receive a deputy prime minister title that is higher in the order of succession than Suriya.
(With inputs from agencies)

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Economic Times
3 hours ago
- Economic Times
The curious case of iPhones: Why a small gadget in your pocket is making US & China insecure about India
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For China, it threatens its stronghold on global high-tech manufacturing. Earlier this year, Foxconn, Apple's long-time assembler, had pressed ahead with a $1.5 billion display module plant near Chennai. The unit was slated to make the part under an iPhone's glass screen that controls touch and display Nadu's state government had approved the plan last October. Indian officials had expect it to add about 14,000 jobs, a tidy boost for India's growing electronics behind the scenes, China is now quietly tightening the screws. Bloomberg revealed yesterday that more than 300 skilled Chinese engineers who taught Indian workers how to run precision assembly lines have been asked by Foxconn to leave India. No official reason, just a quiet exit. The impact is anything but silent. These technicians brought decades of process know-how from Shenzhen's vast factories. Without them, Foxconn expansion plans in India may not go as smooth as it would have US, too, is not exactly cheering India's gain. When Trump launched his first China trade war in 2018, companies scrambled to find new bases. India was slow to catch up then. Now, as China battles rising costs, with new tariffs being imposed every other month, India has never looked more attractive for Trump's 'America First' pitch was brought to the forefront as he sought to charge exorbitant tariffs on every nation that sought to export to Americans. He insisted that Apple must also 'make in America.' For Apple, that's far from easy. US wages are high. Large-scale electronics assembly needs armies of trained workers. Those don't appear Apple chose to stick with its India plan. In May, officials told FT that by the end of next year, Apple aims to make all 60 million iPhones sold in the US in Indian plants. In 2024, India already produced 18% of global iPhone output. Counterpoint Research expects this share to reach 32% in 2025. During March-May, Foxconn exported iPhones worth $3.2 billion from India, with an average 97% shipped to the US, Reuters reported on June 13, citing customs data. India iPhone shipments by Foxconn to the United States in May 2025 were worth nearly $1 billion, the second-highest ever after the record $1.3 billion worth of devices shipped in March, the data Beijing has more to lose than just iPhone lines. It fears losing its edge in EV batteries, solar panels and key rare earth exports. Already this year, China has delayed shipments of specialised machinery to India and Vietnam. Now, ironically, that same tariff wall has cracked China's supply dominance—and opened the door for India. US tariffs on Chinese goods run as high as 145%, while most Indian goods face only 10%. Exemptions on key electronics like iPhones give India an edge in US. For Washington, this creates a dilemma: keep punishing China, or watch supply chains drift to India instead of coming home. Former Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale summed up the mood: China sees India's manufacturing rise as 'a direct threat, not just a parallel development.' India's phone surge didn't happen by accident. Foxconn, Tata Electronics, Corning, big names are pouring billions into Indian supply lines. FT reported Corning will soon start making Apple's scratchproof glass in Tamil own officials know what's at stake. 'We are looking at building the entire value chain in India itself,' said Ekroop Caur, secretary for electronics in Karnataka. The aim: not just assemble phones, but design and supply every vital isn't just a trade story. The way screws, screens and circuit boards move around the world now shapes how countries negotiate, from trade talks to climate pacts and military knows that whoever controls the factories holds the upper hand. When COVID lockdowns froze huge parts of China's manufacturing heartland, companies from California to Berlin realised the risk of putting too many eggs in one basket. According to a Wall Street Journal analysis, the shutdowns cost global electronics makers billions in missed shipments and forced Apple to rethink its near-total dependence on push into India is one answer to that risk. But China has other tools. By restricting exports of critical raw materials, like rare earth metals used in iPhones, wind turbines and guided missiles, Beijing reminds the world that supply chains can double as economic weapons. Just last year, China tightened controls on gallium and germanium exports, minerals vital for semiconductors and defence tech, Reuters tactic isn't new. Back in 2010, China briefly cut off rare earth supplies to Japan during a territorial dispute, crippling factories until Tokyo relented. Now, with the US and Europe pushing to 'de-risk' their dependence, China's leaders are signalling they can still squeeze the tap when clamp on Foxconn's engineers in India fits the same playbook. A senior Indian official, speaking to Bloomberg, confirmed that Chinese authorities are informally blocking export of key equipment and skilled workers to India's iPhone lines. No official reason. But the signal is clear, China wants to slow any rival that could dilute its manufacturing moves ripple far beyond trade. European leaders have linked secure supply chains to climate goals, arguing that building green tech like EV batteries and solar panels depends on stable flows of materials and parts. As reported by the Indian Express, India's Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar summed it up in June: 'The upending of global trade has focused our own minds on the need for correcting what I would call a certain skewed nature of our openness to the global economy.'China's talent clamp is the latest warning shot. By slowing India's learning curve, Beijing hopes to buy time. But India's window is open. There is no national election for a year. Global companies want out of China's grip. US tariffs slam China far harder than the moment is now. India's share of global phone exports has jumped from $250 million a decade ago to over $22 billion today. Most of that is Apple. The next big leap is to match China's scale.A few hundred engineers leaving might not sound big. But behind those exits sits a giant question: who controls the supply chain of tomorrow? If India cracks that code, despite the hold-ups, despite the politics, it won't just make iPhones. It will make itself impossible to ignore at the trade table. And that is what big economies fear a world splitting along new lines, where supply chains double as strategic weapons, India's iPhone story shows how a gadget in your pocket can reshape who calls the shots far beyond a factory floor.


Hindustan Times
4 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
India's new NDCs must take private sector along
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The subsequent NDC (2022) raised the pledge to reduce emissions intensity by 45% and create 50% cumulative generation capacity from renewables. India also declared a net zero target year of 2070. India's official climate strategy was strengthened by a similar movement in the private sector when over 125 Indian companies adopted Science-Based Targets. Many voluntarily set net zero targets ahead of the national 2070 deadline, backed by internal carbon pricing, green finance mechanisms, and renewable energy efforts. In this context, 2025 offers India a historic opportunity to craft a 2035 roadmap that signals higher ambition based on a strategy that integrates the government's vision with that of the private sector in the areas of energy transition across sectors as well as adaptation and creation of climate-resilient infrastructure. In a 2025 survey of Indian business leaders, 99% supported a transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy, with 84% calling for this shift within the next decade. India's green transition efforts are thus increasingly shaped by an 'ambition loop' where early business action strengthens regulatory confidence, which then catalyses further private sector ambition. This has already made Indian solar and electric vehicles (EVs) globally competitive. In several cases, government signals — such as reverse auctions in solar, the National Hydrogen Mission, the Perform, Achieve and Trade scheme — enabled private sector investment and progress. Zomato, for instance, accelerated the electrification of its delivery fleet, while Wipro and Infosys lead global net-zero alliances, actions centred not only on compliance but also on competitiveness and future-proofing. 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Moreover, India's forests, wetlands, and agro ecosystems are critical buffers against climate shocks, offering both carbon sinks and climate resilience. India's next NDC should also recognise the role of Natural Climate Solutions (NCS), encourage corporate investment in forest restoration and biodiversity, and align adaptation priorities with business resilience strategies. Financing this transformation will require unprecedented mobilisation of both domestic and international capital. As per preliminary government estimates, achieving India's current NDC targets will require ₹ 162.5 trillion ($2.5 trillion) by 2030 — equivalent to ₹ 11 trillion ($170 billion) annually. Notably, climate finance in India has largely been domestically driven, with approximately 83% of flows originating from domestic sources. Bridging the gap — particularly for adaptation and nature-based solutions — requires a mix of accelerated domestic investments and significantly enhanced international support, making a strong case for an investment-ready NDC that includes quantified financing strategies and sectoral targets to help de-risk investments and catalyse both public and private finance at scale. India's G20 momentum, and the upcoming BRICS and COP30 platforms offer an opportunity to anchor climate ambition within broader national goals, including achieving Viksit Bharat by 2047, energy independence, and industrial competitiveness. Indian business has shown their willingness. Now we need bold government leadership to unlock its full potential. Andrew Prag is managing director (Policy), We Mean Business Coalition (WMBC), and RR Rashmi is distinguished fellow, The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI). The views expressed are personal.


Mint
5 hours ago
- Mint
India-US trade deal: India may allow imports of gene-modified farm products amid intense negotiations
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