
Hiroshima mayor says Trump remarks out of touch with A-bomb reality
Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui urged the president to visit the western Japan city to improve his understanding, saying he "does not seem to understand that once used, atomic bombs kill friend and foe alike and threaten humanity."
The United States in late June struck three sites in Iran with the aim of destroying the nation's nuclear weapons infrastructure, widening a conflict between Israel and Iran.
Trump said last Wednesday during a visit to the Netherlands for a NATO summit, "I don't want to use an example of Hiroshima, I don't want to use an example of Nagasaki, but that was essentially the same thing. That ended that war."
The remark provoked an angry outcry from survivors in Japan who accused him of trying to justify what was the world's first use of nuclear weapons against a civilian population.
Matsui said he will invite Trump, via the U.S. Embassy in Japan, to visit the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum documenting the devastation caused by the U.S. atomic bombing and to listen to the survivors' stories.
Atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in the final days of World War II in August 1945, killing an estimated 214,000 people by the end of that year and leaving numerous survivors to grapple with long-term physical and mental health challenges.

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Yomiuri Shimbun
38 minutes ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Waseda Professor: Vietnam Should Change Industrial Structure Based on Indirect Exports; Focus on Domestic Industries
Vietnam should strive to transform and upgrade its industrial structure to revitalize its domestic industries, Tran Van Tho, professor emeritus of Waseda University, said in a recent interview with The Yomiuri Shimbun. Tho also said Japan should take a strong stance in defending free trade, which would benefit the global economy. The following is excerpted from the interview, which was conducted by Yomiuri Shimbun Correspondent Shunpei Takeuchi. Japan and other Asian countries have grown thanks to the strength of the United States' huge and diversified market, where everything from luxury goods to inexpensive daily necessities sell. Following the Japan-U.S. trade friction [in the 1980s], South Korean and Taiwanese exports to the United States grew. However, Washington's trade deficit with them also expanded, causing trade friction. In recent years, China and Southeast Asian nations have expanded their exports to the United States and received benefits. China, in particular, has accelerated its industrialization as the 'world's factory' on the back of its abundant labor force to become a superpower. China has become something that the United States can ill afford to ignore, and the first administration of U.S. President Donald Trump focused on measures against China. The result of the U.S.-China trade friction at that time was China's accelerated relocation of production bases to Southeast Asian countries and India. Vietnam, which borders China, in particular saw an influx of capital, partly because it was easy for Chinese businesses to relocate production bases or to establish a framework on the division of labor. I, as a member of the economic advisory group to Vietnam's then-Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc from 2016 to 2021, viewed the move as a golden opportunity for Vietnam to receive more direct foreign investment. However, I was also concerned that Vietnam's growing reliance on foreign capital could hinder the development of domestic companies. I advised the prime minister to prevent the unrestricted influx of new foreign investment into the country and select foreign capital that can help facilitate industrial restructuring. Chinese companies [over the past decade] have stepped up their efforts to manufacture products in Vietnam to reroute Chinese products for export to the United States. With foreign-invested enterprises accounting for more than 70% of the country's total exports by value, Vietnam prospered from exports to the United States. But last year Washington had a trade deficit with Vietnam in excess of $100 billion, its third largest. Trump can be considered a 'businessman.' He applies business management techniques to domestic and foreign politics, and makes deals without regard for aligning interests. This trend has intensified in his second administration, with the announcement of reciprocal tariffs aimed at even allied countries. Trump announced that tariffs on goods imported from Cambodia will be increased to 49%, for instance, as he sees Southeast Asian countries as locations for rerouting Chinese products for export to the United States. On July 2, Trump said he had reached a tariff deal with Vietnam, ahead of other Asian countries. He said Vietnam will see its exports face a 20% tariff — less than half the 46% he had initially announced. Vietnam apparently made a significant concession in the trade negotiations by setting tariffs on U.S. products at 0%. If the agreement is implemented, Vietnam's exports to the United States will slow down, while the United States will export to Vietnam aircraft, liquefied natural gas and other items which are in high demand in the country, thereby reducing its trade deficit. Trump will leverage this achievement to pressure other countries into making concessions. Products transshipped in Vietnam for export to the United States will be subject to a 40% tariff. Vietnam should transform its industrial structure, which relies on exporting finished products made with intermediate goods from China and South Korea, to reduce its dependence on foreign capital and advance the upgrading of domestic industries. Diversifying export destinations is also necessary. The presence of Japan is significant in terms of formulating responses to U.S. tariff measures. As a leader that has spearheaded the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement, Japan should strongly affirm its stance in defending free trade, which would benefit the global economy.


Asahi Shimbun
42 minutes ago
- Asahi Shimbun
Japan sees dip in U.S. student visas due to Trump's policies
The number of U.S. student visas issued to Japanese dropped by 40 percent in May compared to previous years, according to data released by the U.S. Department of State. Known as F-1 visas, the decline in student visas issued to Japanese nationals studying abroad in the United States appears to be connected to U.S. President Donald Trump's tightening of restrictions on foreign students. While some are desperate to seek entry, others have given up on the United States and are choosing other destinations. As many U.S. schools begin the academic year in September, the number of F-1 visas to be issued usually peaks between May and August. The Asahi Shimbun compiled data on the number of visas issued by nationality using figures published monthly by the Department of State. It found that around 520 F-1 visas were granted to Japanese nationals in May. Comparatively, in May of 2022, 2023 and 2024—when COVID-19 pandemic concerns dropped off—about 900 cases were issued, marking a 40 percent drop in those approved this year. This was the lowest number of F-1 visas issued since 2017, when the data was first made public, and exempting the period from 2020 to 2021 when pandemic countermeasures were in full swing. STUCK IN LIMBO A 26-year-old man who lives in the Kyushu region said he now clicks a website 'once every 30 minutes' to see if he can make an appointment for an interview at a U.S. embassy required for obtaining a visa. He has been doing so every day since about a week when all the necessary documents were ready. However, all that appears on the reservation site are the words, 'No available slots.' 'I'm not sure if I'll be able to make it to my doctoral program at a graduate school in the United States that starts in August, but now I really have no choice but to wait," he said. U.S. media reported at the end of May that the Trump administration ordered embassies and consulates around the world to temporarily suspend visa interview appointments. Around the same time, Japanese embassies also stopped taking appointments for interviews. In mid-June, the Department of State announced that appointments would soon resume, but the reality is that many are still unable to make appointments, leaving them in a state of anxiety. For the prospective Ph.D. student in Kyushu, changing where he pursues his degree is not simple—the United States is the only country where there are universities that would allow him to conduct his desired research across multiple disciplines. He has also been guaranteed tuition and living support by the university and other entities. 'I just want to book an interview as soon as possible,' he said. 'I want to try to deal with the situation calmly, but there's still uncertainty about what will happen after I get to the United States.' OVERALL TOTAL UNCHANGED Looking at the Department of State's data as a whole, however, shows the approximately 45,000 F-1 visas issued in May maintained the standard of prior years' totals. What remains unexplained is the lower number of F-1 visas issued to Japanese nationals. The U.S. Embassy in Tokyo's Minato Ward stated it could not answer The Asahi Shimbun's inquiry for the reason behind this, citing the protection of personal information and the closed-door nature of the embassy's internal operations. NOT WORTH THE STRESS Study abroad facilitator Ryugaku Journal Inc. noted that there has been widespread concern among Japanese over the Trump administration's policies and the protests against them since his inauguration in January. The F-1 visas issued in May were for applications received before the Trump administration took steps such as suspending appointments for interviews. It is possible that the 40 percent decrease was not a direct result of the policy, but rather Japanese hopefuls tossing plans to study in the United States or deciding to pursue international education in other countries. Furthermore, in mid-June the Department of State announced that it would soon resume interviews after conducting a comprehensive and thorough screening of prospective students, including what they post on social media. A representative of Ryugaku Journal said that an increasing number of Japanese students are changing their destinations to Australia and Britain or are foregoing their desire to study abroad entirely. 'The situation remains unsettled. We will continue to monitor developments in the United States,' the representative said. (This article was written by Amane Shimazaki, Shinya Maeda, Kayoko Sekiguchi and Roku Goda.)


Yomiuri Shimbun
an hour ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Race to Define Trump's Legislation to Voters Is Next Political Test
Republicans waged a mighty, messy and ultimately successful campaign to push their One Big Beautiful Bill Act to President Donald Trump's desk for a Fourth of July signing ceremony. The next campaign – the political battle to define and defend it – will challenge Republicans just as much. By any measure, passage of the bill represents a major victory for a president whose influence and dominance continue to expand. In a matter of weeks, he has brought a ceasefire between Iran and Israel after a massive bombing attack on Iran's nuclear sites, got a pledge from NATO nations to increase their spending on defense, has seen the financial markets hit record highs, and now can boast of legislation that fulfills many of his campaign promises. Next year's midterm elections will be fought out on terrain that will include voter impressions of Trump's performance and his overall second-term record. That will include voters' sentiments over his immigration and deportation policy, the impact of his tariffs on the national economy, his warfare with universities and cultural institutions, and how well he has managed conflicts abroad. Republican lawmakers are along for the ride on much of that agenda, which was dispensed by the president through executive orders without their input, rather than legislative actions. But they will be asked to take responsibility for the effects of the enormous legislative package they shouldered through the House and Senate and then the House again. This is their baby as much as Trump's, and lawmakers in swing districts and tough Senate races know it. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-North Carolina), who voted against the bill and also said that he would not seek reelection, pointedly warned the president that the Medicaid cuts alone could haunt the Republicans in the midterms. For all the drama that occurred ahead of the final passage, there wasn't any real doubt about the outcome. Because of slender GOP majorities in both chambers, individual members were able to obstruct, delay and demand consideration for pet projects. Some like Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) made the most of her power to extract benefits for her home state in exchange for her vote. Fiscal hawks in the House tormented Speaker Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana) because the measure will cause the national debt to balloon even more. Yet, eventually, enough fell in line to assure passage. Everyone knew failure was never an option. If the entirety of the president's second-term legislative agenda, from tax cuts to spending cuts to a huge increase in funding for immigration enforcement, is packed into one enormous bill, as it was in this case, Republicans were going to make sure it passed. They also knew that opposing the measure could bring political retribution from the president. That doesn't detract from the job that Johnson did in corralling his conference time and again, but it does suggest that some of what took place in the last days and hours was performative. This weekend, Republicans are enjoying a moment of euphoria – an expression of sheer relief over passage of the legislative behemoth after months of wrangling, all-night sessions in the Capitol and arm-twisting by the president and his advisers. But they also begin with the knowledge that the measure is more disliked than liked. By about 2-1, Americans say they oppose the measure, according to a recent Washington Post-Ipsos poll, though many Americans say they don't really know much about what's in it. That's the conundrum. Trump's legislation begins with a presumption of doubt among a plurality of Americans, but the fact that nearly as many say they don't know all that much about it points to the importance of what comes next, which will be a massive effort to define the bill by both parties. This will test Democrats as much as Republicans. History is always an uncertain guide in these cases, but there are two past moments that could be useful reference points. One is President Barack Obama's Affordable Care Act, better known as Obamacare. As with the Big Beautiful Bill, the Affordable Care Act was approved on a party-line vote: Democrats united in favor, Republicans united in opposition. The lengthy national debate ahead of passage of the measure had helped spark the rise of the tea party movement, resulting in angry town hall meetings that put Democratic legislators on the defensive. The debate included misinformation about the measure – remember talk of 'death panels' – and disinformation. The mood among Democrats heading into the 2010 midterm elections was grim. Obama's approval rating on health care issues was underwater. Ultimately, Republicans took control of the House, picking up 63 seats. In that case, the definitional lines of the political debate were sharp and well understood. For opponents, Obamacare was a massive governmental takeover of health care (which it was not) and that was an easy message to sell at a time when the overall debate about the size and scope of government was favorable to Republicans. Another point of reference is what happened to President Joe Biden after he and Democrats won several legislative victories early in his presidency. Congress passed the American Rescue Plan on a largely party-line vote. It was a massive stimulus bill costing nearly $2 trillion designed to jump-start a pandemic-ridden economy. Congress also passed a bipartisan infrastructure bill costing more than $1 trillion. Later, again with the parties sharply divided, Congress approved the ill-named Inflation Reduction Act, another huge expenditure of federal funds aimed at, among other things, climate-change issues. Biden and his team worked repeatedly over many months to gain credit for what they had done. The problem was twofold. Most Americans did not know much about what was in the measures and the spending stream was not fast enough or visible enough for people to see results. Beyond that, Biden proved a poor salesman for his own record. Surrogates weren't much better. What Americans felt were higher prices at the gas station and the grocery store, inflation triggered in part by the fiscal stimulus of all that spending. Biden and his advisers were slow to recognize that the rise in prices was not transitory and slower also in trying to counter the inflation. No amount of talking helped. Democrats might say that none of that mattered much in the 2022 midterm elections. Republicans had hoped for a red tsunami that never materialized. Biden and the Democrats did better than expected, though that likely had more to do with the mobilization of voters angry that the Supreme Court had overturned Roe v. Wade in the summer of 2022. Trump and congressional Republicans have made many promises about what the Big Beautiful Bill will and will not do. It will, they say, produce significant growth in the economy, though the bulk of the tax cuts are an extension of current law, not a new and dramatic reduction. It will not, they say, throw millions of people in need off Medicaid or deny them food assistance, though the Congressional Budget Office and other analyses say otherwise. It will not really balloon the debt, they say, returning to the argument that growth will produce significantly more revenue. But that runs counter to the analyses that say it could add as much as $4 trillion to the debt over the next decade. The overall architecture of the bill favors the wealthiest and hurts most people at the lower ends of the income scale – many of them the very people who have been attracted to Trump and who helped him win reelection last year. There are some provisions that are potentially politically attractive – from the increased deductions for seniors to the child tax credit to the reduction of taxes on tips – populist promises from Trump's 2024 campaign. The Medicaid cuts are the most politically risky move the Republicans have taken with this legislation. If the pain of those cuts becomes visible, if rural hospitals that serve those who are part of the GOP's new constituency are forced to close, if stories of hardship among people dependent on Medicaid who are no longer able to get health care become widespread, then the warnings that Trump and GOP leaders have been hearing from some of their own could cost the Republicans their House majority. That's the coming chapter in this drama as both parties try to shape the debate in their favor.