logo
Unionists must ask themselves: ‘is this as good as it gets?'

Unionists must ask themselves: ‘is this as good as it gets?'

Irish Times07-05-2025
I come from a unionist background in
Northern Ireland
. Nevertheless, I believe in Irish unity, but I
welcome the recent efforts
by those who believe that Northern Ireland should stay as part of the
United Kingdom
.
Like many others I want to hear the views of those who believe that Northern Ireland is better off as it is, and that its people should not contemplate joining with the rest of the island of Ireland, even if I disagree.
Open debate is a sign of a healthy democracy, and we need more of it, not less. Debate now will mean that when the unity referendums happen – and I believe that is when, not if – everyone will be better able to make an informed decision.
For some, Irish unity may be wrapped up in images of 'the fourth green field', or such like. For me, however, the key issue is deciding on what will offer the best quality of life for everyone who lives across this island.
READ MORE
Every metric measuring living standards today – life expectancy, waiting lists for surgery, education standards and job prospects – shows that the South today outperforms the North.
[
Kneecap and Boris Johnson have a lot in common
Opens in new window
]
Belfast writer and communications expert, Ben Collins
For those who want Northern Ireland to stay part of the UK, I would ask is this as good as it gets? Are we living in Nirvana now or do you envisage that things will improve? If you think that things will improve, how is that going to happen?
Northern Ireland is a small region within the United Kingdom. Everyone knows this, but some accept it more than others. But it is a significant part, a very significant part, of the island of Ireland.
In a world where the all-island economy grows, the place that is now Northern Ireland can be a vitally-necessary part of that engine with the chance of being part of one of Europe's fastest growing economies.
In a such a world, the quality of life of everyone across the island will be better. Every problem that we face will become no less problematic, but they can be better tackled together, not apart.
[
How to fix the Northern Ireland economy
Opens in new window
]
The uniting of the island of Ireland must, first, be about creating peace and prosperity, not merely about history, posterity, or some echoes of the past. That for me is the Irish Unity Dividend.
But we must prepare, for the referendum and for the new State to come afterwards, one where public services would have to be integrated, along with the island's infrastructure and economy.
This is not about assimilation, capture, or takeover. it is about building a world-class nation where everyone has an equal stake, where everyone can thrive, especially the Border counties most damaged by Partition a century ago.
Operating two of anything is more expensive, less efficient. Even people who are not economists, or know anything about economics know that. Partition has cost us all, and there is kinder, gentler form of partition.
Sovereignty is not a flag on a pole, it's a roof over people's heads and food on the table.
If unification is the will of the people on both parts of the island, I believe that Stormont should continue to exist, but for a finite period of time. Afterwards, the new State would have one parliament, in Dublin.
However, immediate integration would be needed in some cases. Some issues, notably public health, would have to be dealt with on an all-island basis from the off to ensure that lives are saved.
During the Covid-19 pandemic, Stormont followed the British Government lead, which left the two parts of the island, confusingly, with different rules at different times, but facing the same threat.
Climate change and the spread of zoonotic diseases means that pandemics in the future are more likely, not less. Contradictory actions on the two parts of the island serve no one, and must not happen.
With divided control, Stormont ministers could follow the approach of London, or somewhere else while the rest of Ireland runs to different rules. That makes no sense. Equally, immigration also be clearly better dealt together, from the off.
For too long we have heard critics of Irish unity say that talking about Irish unity is a bad thing, that merely mentioning an aspiration for a United Ireland is antagonistic or provocative.
However, the possibility of a Border poll when merited by circumstances was a key part of the Good Friday Agreement. Nobody should fear debate about an option that was part of an international agreement nearly thirty years ago.
Brexit is an example, and a warning. We have seen what happens when people vote for a vague idea of constitutional change, as happened then. Nearly a decade later, people still argue about what the vote meant.
Some argue that reconciliation must happen within Northern Ireland before a referendum is held. And, yes, we do not have a reconciled society, but Partition is and has been the source of that division.
The Irish Border was created by the British government, dividing the island into two states, causing friction and barriers ever since. Before it, the counties making up Northern Ireland were the most economically advanced part. No longer.
Like most UK regions, Northern Ireland has suffered, London and the Southeast of England has gained, and they continue to gain.
In addition to London, I have been fortunate to live and work in Edinburgh, Cardiff, and Dublin in my career, before returning to my home city of Belfast. In each of those three capitals, the indigenous language is embraced.
Unfortunately, it is seen as a source of division by some within Northern Ireland. I want to live in a country where diversity is celebrated and cherished. Culture should be something that can be appreciated by all, not a source of division.
When unionists politicians state that they want to 'Make Northern Ireland Work' does that mean with, or without embracing the indigenous language or Irish culture? Does it mean with, or without building Casement Park?
I understand that this is an unsettling time for unionism, especially because I come from that background. Brexit has not turned out well for unionism and unionists feel let down by the British government.
The beauty of the Belfast Agreement before Brexit was that you could be Irish, British, European, or all three. Ireland and the UK were part of the EU, so borders were of little consequence. Brexit changed all that.
Today, there are competing visions of the future – but the choice at one level is this: whether to stick in a UK with an uncertain future, or become part of a united Ireland that is firmly part of the European Union.
Such a debate must happen respectfully. Believing in the benefits of Irish unity is not being anti-British. How one expresses that, however, might be. And everyone needs to remember that.
This is not a debate that can be endlessly postponed. Life in Northern Ireland is changing. People's views are changing. Even Brexit has changed Northern Ireland. That is not a coincidence.
Northern Ireland was created to guarantee a permanent Protestant and unionist majority. Today, it has neither. It has a nationalist First Minister. Sinn Féin is the largest party in Stormont. Westminster has more nationalist MPs than unionists.
Sinn Féin is now the largest party in local government across Northern Ireland. Unionism holds a minority of seats in Westminster, in Stormont and across local councils in Northern Ireland.
I fundamentally disagree with those who say there was no alternative to violence. Terrible things were done, terrible things were suffered. Irish unity will be achieved through purely democratic means, not through violence.
One of the many benefits of a United Ireland is that unionist votes and voices will matter much more in an all-Ireland Dáil and Seanad, than they do in Westminster. The time for a referendum is fast approaching, perhaps in the next decade.
The very populists who forced a Brexit vote in 2016 and who provoked the economic decline and division that has so troubled the UK since may now be the people to gain from that disorder. Just look at t the Runcorn by-election in recent days.
A Westminster government led by such people will be actively hostile to the EU, will seek to undermine Ireland and will resent financially supporting Northern Ireland. The momentum for Irish unity may not just come from Ireland.
Unionists must be sure they will be shown respect in a new Ireland, that they will enjoy a higher quality of life, but, most importantly, that they enjoy the same rights and status as others. I am certain that this can happen, should unionists choose to accept it.
Ben Collins is the author of two books with Luath Press: The Irish Unity Dividend, which will be published in September and Irish Unity: Time To Prepare
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Presidential election winner in line for increased election expenses refund of up to €250,000
Presidential election winner in line for increased election expenses refund of up to €250,000

Irish Times

timean hour ago

  • Irish Times

Presidential election winner in line for increased election expenses refund of up to €250,000

The winner of the presidential election will be entitled to reimbursement of election expenses by the State of an increased sum of up to €250,000 after this year's campaign. Unsuccessful candidates whose vote reaches a quarter of the quota are also in line for the same maximum level of refund. The sum is €50,000 more than the maximum reimbursement of €200,000 that was on offer after the 2018 election. The increase was approved by Minister for Local Government James Browne to reflect the increase in the consumer price index (CPI) – a measures of inflation – that has occurred since 2018. READ MORE On that occasion just two candidates qualified for reimbursement, President Michael D Higgins and Independent candidate Peter Casey . Mr Higgins's re-election campaign in 2018 had expenses of some €367,338, with €200,000 of this reimbursed. Mr Casey was repaid the full amount of his expenses, which amounted to €119,911. Others whose share of the vote did not meet the threshold for refunds were Independents Joan Freeman, whose campaign spent €253,194; Seán Gallagher , whose campaign had spending of €246,820; and Gavin Duffy, whose campaign cost €163,438. Sinn Féin spent €209,716 on the campaign for its 2018 candidate, Liadh Ní Riada, but also lost out on any reimbursement. The Department of Local Government on Friday said Mr Browne had signed an order increasing the maximum reimbursement amount from €200,000 to €250,000. 'Applying the CPI increase since the amount was last revised resulted in a potential increase to €252,700 which has been rounded down to €250,000.' The overall spending limit for individual presidential campaigns will remain at €750,000 for the forthcoming election, expected to take place in October or November. This €750,000 spending limit is still well above even the most expensive election campaign of recent times. That was Fine Gael's unsuccessful bid to get former MEP Gay Mitchell elected in 2011, which ran up election expenses of €527,152. Mr Mitchell's campaign did not qualify for any reimbursement. There are just two confirmed candidates in this year's presidential race so far: Fine Gael's Mairead McGuinness – a former European Commissioner and MEP – and left-wing Galway West Independent TD Catherine Connolly . Ms McGuinness has the backing of a large party and its financial resources. Ms Connolly is seeking donations from supporters and is likely to get funding from the smaller parties that back her including Labour and the Social Democrats . The sums raised for Ms Connolly's campaign through online fundraising as of Thursday evening stood at some €28,500.

The Irish Times view on the August bank holiday: a weekend to rest easy
The Irish Times view on the August bank holiday: a weekend to rest easy

Irish Times

time4 hours ago

  • Irish Times

The Irish Times view on the August bank holiday: a weekend to rest easy

In 1924, the leader of the Irish Labour Party, Thomas Johnson, told the Dáil 'a man is easier in his mind when he is getting a holiday if he is getting his pay for the same day'. His remarks came during a debate on the Public Holidays Bill, repealing nineteenth century British legislation which also covered Ireland, relating to four bank holidays: 26th December, Easter Monday, Whit Monday and the first Monday in August. St Patrick's Day had been designated a bank holiday in 1903 by the Westminster parliament. The 1924 Act gave power to the government of the new Irish Free State 'to appoint any particular day to be observed as a bank holiday.' Johnson's plea was that 'workmen who are given a holiday by statute… shall have their day's pay for that holiday.' While that request was not acceded to then, further legislation in 1939 established workers' entitlement to paid leave, with six bank holidays legally established: Christmas Day, St Stephen's Day, St Patrick's Day, Easter Monday, Whit Monday and the first Monday in August. New Year's Day and the October holiday were added in the 1970s, while in 1993 the May holiday was introduced. The most recent public holiday was established in 2022, St Brigid's Day, which also marked the Celtic festival of Imbolc, traditionally acknowledging the commencement of Spring. It was the first Irish public holiday named after a woman. We use the terms bank holiday and public holiday interchangeably, but our laws refer only to public holidays. Collectively, these days arise from inheritance, independent statehood and our distinctive traditions; historically, there were rest and feast days, and celebrations marking seasons, harvests and saints. READ MORE Some may regard the plethora of public holidays, including this weekends August Bank Holiday, as indulgent. But with ten public holidays, Ireland falls below the EU annual average of twelve, and the Irish, working an average 39 hours a week, toil at a higher rate than the EU average of 37.8 hours, allowing workers benefiting from this weekend to be easy in their minds.

Garda staff body doubts damaging allegations about roads policing will be substantiated
Garda staff body doubts damaging allegations about roads policing will be substantiated

Irish Times

time5 hours ago

  • Irish Times

Garda staff body doubts damaging allegations about roads policing will be substantiated

The biggest staff body in An Garda Síochána has questioned the accuracy of claims made about the performance of roads policing gardaí . The Garda Representative Association (GRA) accused Garda Commissioner Drew Harris and the Policing and Community Safety Authority (PCSA) of 'drip-feeding' damaging allegations to the media about gardaí which it doubted would ever be substantiated. The GRA, which represents more than 11,000 rank and file members in the 14,300-strong force, attacked Mr Harris's management style, claiming it has 'dramatically impacted on the morale and motivation' of all gardaí. It accused Mr Harris, who is due to retire in less than a month , of being 'disrespectful' to gardaí, abdicating his responsibilities as commissioner, valuing the input of consultants more than Garda supervisors and lacking confidence in his own managers. READ MORE The Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors (AGSI), which represents Garda middle management, said it was 'deeply concerned' at the conclusions reached about the standard of roads policing in the new report by Crowe consultants. It said it remained 'resolutely committed' to its 'core mission of keeping people safe' and improving policing performance. However, AGSI added that it was 'disappointed' at the manner in which elements of the Crowe report emerged in the public domain at a public meeting of the PCSA. It pointed out it had not yet been provided with the report, reflecting a 'broader dysfunctionality' around consultation in the Garda force. [ Garda roads policing numbers hit historic low Opens in new window ] Outgoing Garda Commissioner Drew Harris spoke to the media ahead of his retirement and last meeting at the PCSA on Thursday. Photograph: Sam Boal/ Collins Photos AGSI, which has enjoyed better relations with Mr Harris than the GRA, addressed the core findings of the Crowe report, expressing its concern and saying it had confidence that improvements could be made to roads policing performance. However, the GRA referenced the report's damning findings about roads policing only in the context of doubting them. GRA general secretary Ronan Slevin said by commissioning consultants to review roads policing, Mr Harris was guilty of 'inaction' and using a management style that sabotaged morale. He also questioned claims made by Mr Harris and Ms Byrne at Thursday's PCSA meeting about the contents of the Crowe report. 'The initial feedback from our members who interacted with Crowe is at odds with the drip fed comments from the (PCSA) and the commissioner,' he said. He added that gardaí 'now anxiously await' the Crowe report's publication 'and question whether any findings will substantiate the damaging allegations made against our members'. AGSI said the report appeared to be 'highly critical' of how the Garda 'under Commissioner Harris' leadership, has overseen and supported' personnel in roads policing. However, it recognised that such reports could become 'valuable tools' and believed progress would be made once the report was published and fully understood. Crowe, a consultancy firm, was commissioned by Garda headquarters to carry an independent review of roads policing. That occurred after anonymous correspondence, apparently from a Garda member, was sent to Garda management expressing concern about roads policing. The report would be published once it was checked to ensure nobody referenced could be identified, the commissioner said. Photograph: Artur Widak/ NurPhoto via Getty Images PCSA chair Elaine Byrne said Mr Harris had 'acted on' the whistleblower claims by commissioning the Crowe report. She said that action 'very much reflects a cultural change' in the Garda where 'uncomfortable truths' had been 'confronted' rather than hidden. She hoped that approach would continue after Mr Harris retired next month. Ms Byrne said the Crowe report was 'shocking' because 'there are members in roads policing who seem very much disinterested in their job'. Some gardaí displayed a 'blatant disregard' for their jobs and were 'openly hostile' about doing their work, she said. The report, she added, also showed some Garda managers were too fearful to intervene when they identified poor performance, which was very concerning. Mr Harris also said he was 'shocked' by the report, describing it as 'sobering to say the least'. He said some gardaí were 'brazen' about their disinterest in their jobs, even while their work was being reviewed by examiners who travelled with them in Garda cars. The report would be published once it was checked to ensure nobody referenced could be identified, the commissioner added.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store