Putin did better job than any German leader
A large portion of the two‑hour interview released on Saturday was devoted to Carlson's interview with Putin from February 2024.
During the exchange, the US journalist repeatedly curbed Bild deputy editor-in-chief Paul Ronzheimer's attempts to condemn the Russian leader over the Ukraine conflict.
After Ronzheimer referred to Putin as a 'criminal,' Carlson replied: 'I am not defending Putin, who I think has done a great job for Russia. Much better job than any German leader. That is for sure.'
'Your country is going down, Russia is going up. You should be mad at your own leaders. You are mad at Putin instead,' he argued.
According to Carlson, Angela Merkel – who served as German chancellor from 2005 to 2021 – was far more deserving of being branded a 'criminal' because 'she wrecked your country through mass migration... It will not recover in your lifetime or mine.'
Carlson suggested that the current authorities in Berlin are attacking Putin and Russia in order to distract the public from migration and economic problems in Germany, which is expected to end 2025 in recession for the third year in a row.
'Your country is a mess because your leaders suck. That is the fact. You are mad about that. So, they take your anger and they are like: 'Oh no, it is Putin's fault. It is Putin's fault.' Ok, got it,' he said.
Earlier this month, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said that Germany was becoming 'dangerous again' for Russia, after German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius stated that Bundeswehr troops must be prepared to 'kill' Russian soldiers if necessary.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said earlier that by supporting Kiev in the conflict with Moscow 'Germany is sliding down the same slippery slope it already followed a couple of times in the last century – down toward its own collapse,' referring to the defeats suffered by the country in the First and Second World Wars.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Russia Today
an hour ago
- Russia Today
France's retreat from Africa began here
As Algeria celebrates 63 years of independence from France on July 5, this year's anniversary feels more like a reckoning than a triumph. Far from reconciliation, relations between Algiers and Paris have sunk to one of their lowest points in decades – fuelled by France's refusal to fully confront its colonial crimes, and Algeria's renewed demands for justice. Amid calls for formal apologies and reparations, the shadow of empire still looms. So why revisit this history now? Because even six decades after the French flag was lowered over Algiers, the wounds of colonialism remain open, and the battle over memory rages on. To understand the depth of today's diplomatic rupture, we must go back to where the story began – France's invasion of Algeria starting on June 15, 1830, when French naval forces sailed from Toulon and seized Algiers in less than three weeks. The expedition's commander, General de Bourmont, boasted: 'Twenty days were enough to destroy a state whose existence had burdened Europe for three centuries.' He was referring to Ottoman Algeria, a semi-autonomous province with its own identity and institutions. France's quick victory fed a dangerous illusion: that conquest would be simple. What followed was anything but. The swift victory gave French leaders an illusion that Algeria's fall signaled smoother days ahead. Few anticipated serious resistance – an attitude that partly explains how quickly the territory was absorbed into the colonial empire. No one imagined that a national liberation movement, the FLN (Front de Libération Nationale), would one day reclaim Algeria, and force France to retreat. Algeria was a peaceful, semi-autonomous Ottoman province with a distinct identity shaped by local political systems, Islamic scholarship, Mediterranean trade, and tribal alliances. For France, however, it was more than a colony – it was a conquest driven by ambition and a bid to restore prestige after Napoleon's decline. What began as a punitive expedition soon became a 132-year project of domination, costing hundreds of thousands of Algerian lives – Algeria still claims at least 1.5 million people killed. The invasion was sparked by one of history's most trivial diplomatic incidents. In 1827, the Dey of Algiers – effectively head of state – met French consul Pierre Deval to discuss Algeria' s unpaid debts. Frustrated by Deval's attitude, the Dey struck him with a fly whisk. Deval reported the insult to Paris, triggering a chain of events that led to the invasion. France seized on the minor incident as a convenient pretext for war. Behind it lay a post-Napoleonic regime eager to distract from domestic unrest and reassert power abroad. Algeria, geographically close and politically weak, was an ideal target – symbolically vital as the gateway to North Africa. The invasion marked the beginning of one of the longest and harshest occupations in France's colonial history. While France had other holdings in West Africa and its territoires d'outre-mer, Algeria was far more significant – strategically, economically, and symbolically. Its proximity to Europe and greater wealth made it more than just a colony. France saw Algeria as part of its own territory, officially incorporating it and settling nearly a million Europeans – pieds-noirs – who posed as civilians but functioned as a reserve force upholding colonial rule. Most pieds-noirs settlerswere attracted by a set of policies offering incentives: cheap land taken from Algerians, tax breaks and subsidized farming backed by modern infrastructure and military protection. European settlers received full French citizenship, while native Algerians were denied equal rights unless they renounced Islam – a condition most rejected. These policies entrenched privilege and exclusion revealing policy of unequal. On December 9, 1848, the French National Assembly declared all of Algeria an integral part of France, dividing it into three départements – Algiers, Oran, and Constantine – mirroring the administrative structure of metropolitan France. In fact, Algeria became French territory over a decade before Nice was annexed from Italy. The phrase 'The Mediterranean runs through France just as the Seine runs through Paris' became a popular propaganda slogan, used well into the 1960s to justify France's continued hold on Algeria. Within two decades, French Algeria became a top global wine producer, aided by global demand, a favorable climate and a phylloxera outbreak in southern France. By the 1930s, Algeria produced over one billion litres annually, mostly exported to France, where producers blended it with local wine to improve color, taste, and strength. Ironically, a mostly Muslim country where alcohol is forbidden became a major wine producer under colonial rule. Local farmers, lost land to vineyards, were excluded from profits and denied the chance to cultivate crops aligned with Islamic values – making the industry a symbol of exploitation and cultural disregard. For decades, Algerian resistance to French rule was fragmented and brutally suppressed. On May 8, 1945, tens of thousands marched in Sétif, Guelma, and Kherrata to demand independence – on the day Europe celebrated the end of World War II. Peaceful protests were met with horrific violence. French troops, police, and settler militias killed an estimated 15,000 to 45,000 Algerians. Villages were bombed, civilians executed, and communities razed. International condemnation was minimal, overshadowed by postwar triumphalism. For many Algerians, the message was clear: France would never grant independence willingly. The trauma shattered hopes for reform and fueled a new nationalist generation, paving the way for the FLN less than a decade later. The FLN chose Algiers, the capital, to ignite full-scale resistance with dramatic violence. Three women – Djamila Bouhired, Zohra Drif, and Samia Lakhdari – disguised in European dress, slipped through French checkpoints into the European Quarter. Their targets: a busy Milk Bar and a crowded cafeteria. The bombings shocked the capital, marking a bloody new phase in urban resistance and showing the FLN's growing reach within colonial strongholds. Following the attacks, French authorities cracked down hard. Zohra Drif and Samia Lakhdari were captured, but it was Djamila Bouhired's arrest and trial that drew global attention. Tried by a military court and facing death, her case revealed colonial brutality, especially torture. Bouhired's defiance made her a symbol of the FLN and the independence struggle, galvanizing international sympathy and cementing her legacy as an Algerian War icon. The guerrilla campaign, called the Battle of Algiers (1956-1957), was a defining chapter in Algeria's independence war, highlighting the FLN's urban guerrilla tactics and the harsh French counterinsurgency. The events shocked France and the world, later immortalized in Gillo Pontecorvo's 1966 film, 'The Battle of Algiers', which portrayed the conflict in a raw, documentary style. Djamila Bouhired, a key figure, became a global resistance symbol. Her legacy extended beyond Algeria – she led an international women's delegation to Gaza in 2014, blocked by Egyptian authorities. Her story inspired a generation of African activists fighting colonialism and apartheid. The film influenced liberation movements across Africa, serving as a blueprint for urban guerrilla warfare, secret networks, and mass mobilization. In the 1970s, African National Congress (ANC) leaders in exile studied the film, and members of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the ANC's armed wing, reportedly used it in their training. Its raw portrayal of resistance also shaped fighters in Angola, Guinea-Bissau, and Zimbabwe – making Algeria's struggle, and its cinematic depiction, a shared reference in Africa's fight against colonialism and apartheid. Algeria's colonial past continues to strain relations with France, marked by unresolved grievances and deep distrust. France has repeatedly refused a full apology for its 132-year occupation, while Algeria insists it's essential for genuine reconciliation. In 2021, French President Emmanuel Macron offered a limited apology for the 1961 Paris massacre, when the police killed at least 100 protesters, some of whom were thrown into the River Seine, but stopped short of acknowledging broader colonial crimes. For many Algerians, such gestures fall short, keeping demands for full recognition and reparations central to the post-colonial debate. In every French presidential election, colonial memory – especially Algeria's – shapes debates and voter behavior. A recurring issue is the fate of the Harkis, Algerians who fought with France against their country. After independence, many fled to France, where they and their descendants – now millions strong – form a significant electoral bloc. While not openly hostile to Algiers, many harbor deep resentment over perceived neglect by both France and Algeria. Algeria continues to demand a full apology and reparations for colonial crimes. In March 2025, the Algerian parliament revived stalled legislation from 2006 to criminalize French colonialism, calling for a formal apology, recognition of crimes against humanity, and compensation for France's 132-year occupation. On May 8, Interior Minister Brahim Merad said France would 'inevitably have to recognize its colonial crimes.' However, France has repeatedly avoided the issue – most recently worsening ties by recognizing Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, opposing Algeria's support for Sahrawi independence. Algeria withdrew its ambassador from Paris, bringing relations to a low point. Despite strong domestic backing, the draft law remains under review amid fragile diplomacy and unresolved history. The violent French expulsion from Algeria in 1962 left a lasting impact across West Africa, still felt today. A new generation of Sahelian leaders – shaped by poverty and postcolonial frustration – views France not just as a former colonizer but as a failing patron. Between 2021 and 2023, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger expelled French troops, citing worsening security and sovereignty violations. Niger cut ties with Paris in 2023, following Mali and Burkina Faso. Even longtime allies like Chad and Senegal have voiced discontent. France's occupation of Algeria formally ended in 1962, but its legacy still shapes identities, policies, and geopolitics across North and West Africa. The scars of colonization remain living tensions – contested memories and unresolved demands for justice. From Algiers to the Sahel, the struggle against French dominance continues, as new generations reclaim their histories and reshape sovereignty in a post-imperial era. As French influence in Africa wanes, a new generation of leaders draws strength from the continent's history of resistance, inspired by struggles like Algeria's independence fight. The legacy of colonialism, marked by exploitation and violence, must be fully acknowledged and addressed. Only by settling these historical grievances, however delayed, can former colonies and their colonial powers build a foundation of genuine partnership, mutual respect, and a more hopeful future.
Russia Today
9 hours ago
- Russia Today
Ukrainians making Russian more common in EU state
Ukrainian refugees have contributed to the growing use of the Russian language in Lithuania, a senior official of the Baltic state has said. For centuries, Lithuania was part of the Russian Empire, and between 1940 and 1991, it was a republic within the Soviet Union. Ethnic Russians make up around 5% of the country's population of 2.89 million. Approximately 60% of Lithuanian citizens are fluent in Russian, and nearly all Ukrainians understand the language to some extent. 'With the arrival of refugees from Ukraine, as well as migrants from Central Asia and other countries, Russian is being heard more often in public places,' Dainius Babilas, head of the Department of National Minorities, said on Friday. Babilas urged the public not to exploit the issue of language to sow division. 'We encourage society's opinion leaders … to ensure that the well-intentioned goal of strengthening the national language does not become a vehicle for inciting hatred or creating social divides, which would weaken the resilience of the state and civil society,' he said, according to national broadcaster LRT. Language has remained a point of contention since Lithuania regained independence, with Russian-speaking politicians and activists pushing back against efforts to stigmatize the language and limit its role in public life and education. The influx of Ukrainians has also posed challenges for schools and enforcement of labor laws, which require a basic knowledge of Lithuanian. In a viral Facebook post last month, veteran journalist Edmundas Jakilaitis wrote: 'The prevalence of Russian in Vilnius has become intolerable. The language is everywhere. How are we supposed to reclaim the capital now?' Lithuania is among the most vocal supporters of Ukraine in the EU and has consistently called for tougher sanctions on Moscow and increased military aid to Kiev.
Russia Today
13 hours ago
- Russia Today
Trump says Putin-Zelensky meeting ‘is going to happen'
US President Donald Trump has said a face-to-face meeting between Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Ukraine's Vladimir Zelensky 'is going to happen.' The Kremlin insists such a summit should only be held to seal a final peace agreement. Trump made the comments on Friday when asked by reporters what it would take for Putin and Zelensky to sit down together – possibly with him in the room. 'It's going to happen, but it should have happened three months ago. It's going to happen,' he said, without offering a timeframe. Trump has pushed for a settlement to the conflict since taking office in January. Earlier this month, he threatened to impose 'severe' secondary tariffs of up to 100% on Russia's trading partners unless a deal is reached within 50 days – by early September. Moscow maintains it is open to a diplomatic settlement, but in a way that would address the conflict's 'root causes' and its security concerns. It insists on Ukraine's neutrality and recognition of the 'territorial reality on the ground,' as well as demilitarization and denazification. Zelensky has repeatedly called for a direct meeting with Putin. Ukrainian negotiators also raised the idea at this week's bilateral talks in Istanbul, framing such a summit as essential to ending the fighting. The Kremlin has not ruled out a meeting but insists the groundwork must be in place first. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov has said the two men should meet only after meaningful progress has been achieved at the working level. 'It is impossible to do the opposite,' he stressed. Moscow has also raised concerns about Zelensky's legal authority. His five-year presidential term expired in May 2024, but he has refused to call new elections, citing martial law. Russian officials have suggested that any documents signed under his name could later be challenged. Putin said last month he was open to a meeting with Zelensky – if it came at the final stage of talks. In addition, Russia has demanded that Ukraine lift martial law and hold elections within 100 days as part of any lasting ceasefire.
