&w=3840&q=100)
Trump removes WSJ from Scotland trip press pool over Epstein letter
The White House on Monday barred The Wall Street Journal from traveling with US President Donald Trump during his upcoming visit to Scotland, after the newspaper reported that he wrote a bawdy birthday message to his former friend, alleged sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein.The move comes after Trump on Friday sued the WSJ and its media magnate owner Rupert Murdoch for at least $10 billion over the allegation in the article, which Trump denies.
The Trump administration's handling of the Epstein case has threatened to split the Republican's far-right Make America Great Again (MAGA) base, with some of his supporters calling for a full release of the so-called 'Epstein Files.'
The punishment of the Wall Street Journal marks at least the second time the Trump administration has moved to exclude a major news outlet from the press pool over its reporting, having barred Associated Press journalists from multiple key events since February.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
'As the appeals court confirmed, The Wall Street Journal or any other news outlet are not guaranteed special access to cover President Trump in the Oval Office, aboard Air Force One, and in his private workspaces,' said Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt.
'Due to The Wall Street Journal's fake and defamatory conduct, they will not be one of the thirteen outlets on board (Air Force One).'
Trump departs this weekend for Scotland, where he owns two golf resorts and will meet with UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer.
Earlier this month, the US Department of Justice, under Trump-appointed Attorney General Pam Bondi, said there was no evidence suggesting disgraced financier Epstein had kept a 'client list' or was blackmailing powerful figures before his death in 2019.
In its story on Thursday, the WSJ reported that Trump had written a suggestive birthday letter to Epstein in 2003, illustrated with a naked woman and alluding to a shared 'secret.'
Epstein, a longtime friend of Trump and multiple other high-profile men, was found hanging dead in a New York prison cell in 2019 while awaiting trial on charges that he sexually exploited dozens of underage girls at his homes in New York and Florida.
The case sparked conspiracy theories, especially among Trump's far-right voters, about an alleged international cabal of wealthy pedophiles.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Epstein's death – declared a suicide – before he could face trial supercharged that narrative.
Since returning to power in January, Trump has moved to increase control over the press covering the White House.
In February, the Oval Office stripped the White House Correspondents' Association (WHCA) of its nearly century-old authority to oversee which outlets have access to certain restricted presidential events, with Trump saying that he was now 'calling the shots' on media access.
In a statement, the WHCA president urged the White House to 'restore' the Journal to the pool.
'This attempt by the White House to punish a media outlet whose coverage it does not like is deeply troubling, and it defies the First Amendment,' said WHCA President Weijia Jiang.
'Government retaliation against news outlets based on the content of their reporting should concern all who value free speech and an independent media.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Indian Express
14 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Trump to give ‘list' of Epstein associates, says hasn't considered pardoning Ghislaine Maxwell
US President Donald Trump has said he will release a 'list' of Epstein associates amid a clamour from both Democrats and his own MAGA base of supporters for the names of those who visited the convicted sex offender's island. While leaving the White House for Scotland, Trump added he 'hasn't thought about' granting a pardon to Ghislaine Maxwell, the convicted associate of Jeffrey Epstein, and instead urged reporters to focus on other high-profile figures linked to the disgraced financier. Trump downplayed his own ties to Epstein and called on journalists to investigate others. 'You should focus on Clinton… the former president of Harvard, and some of the hedge fund guys. I'll give you a list. These guys lived with Jeffrey Epstein. I sure as hell didn't,' he was quoted by Fox News as saying. The development comes amid reports that Attorney General Pam Bondi had told Trump in May that his name appeared in Justice Department files related to the disgraced financier. On Friday, Trump insisted that he never visited Epstein's private island, contrasting himself with former President Bill Clinton. 'You ought to be speaking to Bill Clinton, who went to the island 28 times. I never went to the island,' he said. Asked about pardoning Maxwell, Trump said 'it's something I haven't thought about. I'm allowed to do it, but it's not something I've considered,' according to Fox News. When asked multiple times about the topic, he added, 'I certainly can't talk about pardons.' Maxwell, who is currently serving a 20-year prison sentence for sex trafficking, met for a second day with Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche in what her lawyers described as a 'very productive' session. They claimed she 'answered every single question.' 🚨 WHOA – PRESIDENT TRUMP ON EPSTEIN: 'You ought to be talking about BILL CLINTON!' 'Who went to the island 28 times. I NEVER went to the island.' 👀👀 — Eric Daugherty (@EricLDaugh) July 25, 2025 Trump also took an aim at former US President Barack Obama and former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, suggesting there's a double standard in media coverage. 'They don't talk about them, they talk about me. I have nothing to do with the guy,' he claimed. The comments come amid renewed attention to the Epstein case following Attorney General Pam Bondi's claim earlier this year that she had the Epstein files, only for the Justice Department to later state there is no client list and Epstein died by suicide in jail in 2019.


NDTV
14 minutes ago
- NDTV
Watch: Trump Argues With Fed Chair Powell On Live TV Over Cost Of Fed Building Renovation
After criticising Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell everywhere - on social media and in front of reporters, US President Donald Trump landed at the Fed's front door. On Thursday, the president called out Powell regarding the renovation costs of the Fed's headquarters after which the banker corrected him - while the cameras were rolling. In two decades, this is the first time a sitting president has visited the Federal Reserve. The exchange took place as the headquarters of the Fed was still under construction. Both the men had hard hats on. Before the tour, Trump told reporters that the administration was "taking a look at what's happening" at the Fed's renovation. President Trump confronts Jerome Powell at the Federal Reserve. I like this approach. I can think of a few others in government who need to be confronted to their faces just like this! — Suburban Black Man 🇺🇸 (@niceblackdude) July 24, 2025 Trump said, "It looks like it's about $3.1 billion", referring to the renovation budget, to which Powell pushed back, shook his head and said, "I'm not aware of that. I haven't heard that from anybody at the Fed." The Fed has maintained that renovation costs are $2.5 billion. After that, Trump proceeded to take out a document from his jacket and handed it over to Powell. The Fed chairman took a quick look at the paperwork and handed it back saying that Trump was "adding a third building" to the total. "It's a building that's being built," Trump said, to which Powell responded, "It's a building that was built five years ago... it's not new." Trump ended his tour afterward by saying he wanted the renovation to be completed and Powell to aggressively cut benchmark interest rates. "Let's just get it finished and, even more importantly, lower interest rates!", Trump wrote on Truth Social. The Fed chair has refrained from responding to Trump's taunts on social media, saying the Fed can afford to be patient to monitor the impact of the president's tariffs on inflation. The exchange followed months of criticism by Trump of Powell as being "Too Late" on rate cuts and an accompanying pressure campaign to get the central bank head to step down. After the visit, Trump wrote on social media that the construction has "got a long way to go, would have been much better if it were never started, but it is what it is". Trump in the past has labelled Powell as a "stubborn mule", "Trump hater", "numbskull", etc., and has repeatedly floated the idea of firing him.


The Print
14 minutes ago
- The Print
Thailand-Cambodia clash is more than a border fight—it's a new front in Cold War 2.0
For observers in South Asia, the crisis strikes a familiar chord. Much like the subcontinent's own post-colonial challenges, this conflict is deeply rooted in contested borders callously drawn by colonial powers. In South Asia, the legacy lies with the British; in Southeast Asia, it's the French. Now in its second day, the hostilities continue and a ceasefire remains elusive, if not impossible. The implications for regional stability and the broader US-China strategic rivalry—often dubbed 'Cold War 2.0'—are already profound. The sudden military escalation between two ASEAN members, Thailand and Cambodia, has jolted the Indo-Pacific, a region that's already on edge amid the Great Power contestation between the United States and China. The timing couldn't be more telling. Global military budgets are rising amid geopolitical strains, and Southeast Asia is no exception. Even as ASEAN countries pursue deeper economic integration—modelling aspects of the European Union—defence spending has surged across the bloc. This, even though ASEAN is far from unified in its political, economic, or military postures. While the ASEAN Free Trade Area has made strides in tariff reduction, wide disparities persist. Singapore boasts high per capita income and advanced infrastructure, while countries like Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar continue to struggle with poverty, fragile institutions, and uncertain futures. The World Bank recently revised Cambodia's 2025 growth forecast down to 4 per cent, citing a range of economic vulnerabilities. Also Read: Trump's Ukraine U-turn puts Russia's trade partners at risk. India caught in the middle Fragmented security postures In security terms, ASEAN remains a mosaic of national agendas, even in the face of China's aggressive build-up in the South China Sea and its expansive nine-dash line claims over the EEZs of several member states. A common threat should have united the bloc. But as China is also ASEAN's largest trading partner, siding against it remains unaffordable for most, even those with a pro-West tilt. Military modernisation is progressing, but along divergent paths. Between 2013 and 2022, the region spent approximately $60.9 billion on weapons procurement and defence R&D, according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS). But looking closer, these investments reflect broader geopolitical alignments: some countries lean toward the US, like Thailand and the Philippines; some toward China, such as Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar; and some are building ties with Russia, such as Vietnam and Indonesia. The presence of the UK and France, as well as the growing influence of Turkey and Israel in the region, adds further layers of complexity. From imperial maps to military clashes Southeast Asia has long been a stage for Great Power rivalry. The roots of the current Thailand-Cambodia conflict lie in the 1907 Franco-Siamese Treaty. Under pressure from both Britain and France, Siam (modern-day Thailand) ceded territories to the French. At the time, Cambodia was under French rule, and the treaty left many areas of the border vague—sowing the seeds of future disputes. During World War II, Siam allied with Japan and briefly regained some of the lost territory. But following Japan's defeat, these areas returned to French control. When Cambodia gained independence in 1953, the problematic colonial borders remained. One hotspot is the Preah Vihear Temple. Though the International Court of Justice awarded it to Cambodia in 1962, the surrounding territory was left undefined, allowing the conflict to simmer. The Cold War further complicated the picture. Cambodia's civil war, the Khmer Rouge regime, and Vietnam's 1978 invasion turned the Thai-Cambodian border into a Cold War flashpoint. The US, China, and several ASEAN members supported anti-Vietnamese resistance, including remnants of the Khmer Rouge. Even after Vietnam withdrew in 1989, and the 1991 Paris Peace Accords attempted to stabilise the region, no durable border resolution was reached. Efforts at rapprochement resumed in the 2000s, culminating in a February 2024 strategic partnership between Cambodia and Thailand focused on de-escalation. But on 28 May 2025, a deadly clash between patrols in a disputed area killed a Cambodian soldier, shattering the fragile peace. Since then, serious escalation has happened. New theatre for the new Cold War? In the ongoing military standoff, Thailand has clearly dominated from the get-go. The skies over Southeast Asia quickly became a theatre of conflict, with Thailand deploying its F-16 fighter jets and reportedly decimating Cambodia's 8th and 9th infantry divisions. For the first time, Thailand also fielded its Ukrainian-made T-84 Oplot-M main battle tanks in combat, facing off against Cambodia's outdated T-55s. The disparity in military capabilities between the two countries is not merely significant—it is exponentially vast. Cambodia's decision to escalate, despite its weaker military, raises questions. One possible explanation is Chinese backing—part of a broader strategy to test the limits of US commitment to its allies. US arms sales, including to Thailand, are governed by strict end-use agreements that limit how and against whom they can be deployed. It is unlikely Thailand would have used F-16s without prior US consent. If true, this suggests Washington tacitly approved Thailand's response—a subtle yet pointed signal to Beijing, which has become Cambodia's chief military patron since 2017. After Cambodia dissolved its main opposition party and jailed political leaders, the US slashed aid. China quickly stepped in with military equipment, training, and joint exercises such as 'Golden Dragon'. More concerning is China's role in expanding the Ream Naval Base on Cambodia's southern coast. Though not officially a military base, satellite imagery shows a pier nearly identical in length and design to one at China's Djibouti base—capable of docking its largest aircraft carriers. US officials have repeatedly raised concerns about growing Chinese military access to the base. These developments may explain why Washington allowed Thailand to respond forcefully—viewing it as an opportunity to counterbalance Chinese influence. Also Read: Paradox of India's S-400 deal—key asset delayed when country needs it most The wider web of power projection This conflict must also be understood in the broader context of foreign power projection in Southeast Asia. The US has deepened ties with the Philippines, now one of ASEAN's most hawkish voices on China. Meanwhile, the UK exerts influence through the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA)—a long-standing, though non-binding, security pact with Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, and Singapore. This agreement, notably, was originally designed to ensure peace between Malaysia and Singapore. For the uninitiated, on 9 August 1965, Singapore officially parted ways with Malaysia, becoming an independent and sovereign nation. The split was driven by serious political and economic disagreements between the leadership of both countries, which had fuelled communal tensions and led to racial riots in July and September 1964. Although those tensions have long since eased, the UK continues to maintain its involvement through existing defence agreements and regular military exercises. France, another former colonial power, also maintains a strategic presence in the Indo-Pacific. It often champions 'strategic autonomy,' positioning itself as a balancing force in a region crowded with competing powers—though it would side with NATO allies if a hot war broke out. Even intra-ASEAN military tensions carry geopolitical implications. Indonesia, for example, has long struggled to fully control its airspace, as parts of it—including the skies over the Riau Islands and the Strait of Malacca—are under Singaporean operational control. Jakarta is now addressing these concerns by upgrading its air defence capabilities, including a $10 billion deal for Turkish-built KAAN fifth-generation fighter jets, which will involve significant contributions from Pakistani engineers. It has also ordered a huge number of Rafale jets from France, amid other equipment. At its core, the Southeast Asian theatre remains central to the unfolding Great Power contest between the US and China (backed by Russia). But it is also a landscape where middle powers—France, the UK, Turkey, and others—continue to shape the strategic environment in nuanced but significant ways. The Thailand-Cambodia escalation underscores not only the unresolved trauma of colonial legacies but also how quickly they can be weaponised in today's fraught geopolitical climate. As great powers manoeuvre and middle powers assert their influence, the Indo-Pacific grows more complex. With war now an ever-present possibility rather than a distant threat, Southeast Asia finds itself not just at the centre of Cold War 2.0—but at the frontline of an increasingly crowded, competitive, and dangerous global order. Swasti Rao is a Consulting Editor (International and Strategic Affairs) at ThePrint. She tweets @swasrao. Views are personal. (Edited by Asavari Singh)