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How the young in India perceive global politics

How the young in India perceive global politics

Hindustan Times2 days ago
The return of the Donald Trump administration to the White House at the beginning of this year earmarked the inception of a more uncertain and unstable world order. In addition to this, certain unceasing challenges, such as the war in Europe, the crisis in West Asia, the rising spectre of terrorism in South Asia and most importantly, the growing assertiveness of China, raise further concerns about the state of international affairs. As India's role grows in the world, the aspirations of Indians to shape the global order have also been rising.
Now in its fourth year, the Observer Research Foundation's Foreign Policy Survey 2024: Young India and the China Challenge attempts to bridge the gap between foreign policy and how policy decisions and challenges are perceived by the country's youth. An annual initiative, the survey of young Indians (18-35 years) collected data from 5,050 respondents spread across 19 cities in India in 11 languages, between July 22 and September 26, 2024. The findings of the survey are restricted to this period and do not capture major developments after that, particularly the impact of Donald Trump on the global order, the deterioration in India-Pakistan ties after the Pahalgam terror attack in April, and the subsequent Operation Sindoor. But the survey sheds light on public opinion on India's approach towards major foreign policy concerns.
The overall support for India's foreign policy has increased consistently over the last four years, with 88% of respondents showing a positive perception this year. The central theme of this year's survey was to gauge the perception of China amongst India's youth. A higher 89% percentage consider border conflict with China as the biggest challenge for India, followed by cross-border terrorism (86%) and border conflict with Pakistan (85%). Even as China and India have resumed the process to achieve a thaw in ties, the trust deficit mires any prospect of a big breakthrough. The respondents who have expressed dissatisfaction with the bilateral relationship have also increased since last year's survey. Five years after the Galwan clashes, there are still concerns about China's rise, with many youth viewing it as a military threat and regarding the occupation of Tibet as a major impediment in the relationship (81%). China's presence in the neighbourhood is viewed with concern (73%) and there is increasing support for countering its presence. The youth also prioritises national security over economic partnerships (84%) and have shown support for imposing non-tariff barriers on China and cutting down on imports from the country. They also deem India's decision to stay out of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative as beneficial to the country (79%).
The importance of the Indian Ocean region in terms of its strategic vitality has also increased, with 33% support followed by South Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. This also explains the concern shown about China's growing presence in the maritime domain. India's Neighbourhood First policy is viewed favourably, particularly its development and connectivity initiatives. While Nepal (72%) is considered as the most trusted neighbour, followed by Bhutan and Sri Lanka, for Bangladesh, the level of trust has decreased since 2022. The distrust for Pakistan and Afghanistan also outweighed the trust reposed in these countries (81% and 46% respectively). While the level of distrust for Afghanistan has decreased since last year, for Pakistan, the changed norms of engagement in the aftermath of Operation Sindoor and a new low in ties can lead to more caution.
There is also a growing appreciation for India's exercise of its strategic autonomy, vis-a-vis its ties with the Quad countries — the US, Australia and Japan and also its historical partner, Russia. The respondents expressed satisfaction with the US (86%) and also saw it as emerging as India's leading partner in the next 10 years. While this is a subset of the growing synergy in the bilateral relationship in the last few years, the impact of Trump 2.0 will reflect in the coming iterations of this annual survey. The respondents also urge India to side with the US in its rivalry with China (54%). The youth see a permanent status in the United Nations Security Council as an important goal for India while also endorsing a permanent invitee status for the country in the G7, to leverage the strong ties New Delhi has with the member countries.
While the subsequent surveys will show how much the developments of the past few months have influenced people's perceptions, the China-Pakistan nexus and its impact on India's interests and the trajectory that the US-China ties take in the future have already been underlined as critical determinants of India's future foreign policy trajectory.
Harsh V Pant is vice president, studies and foreign policy, and Shivam Shekhawat is junior fellow, Observer Research Foundation. The views expressed are personal
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It has metamorphosed to a degree where a conflict with Pakistan now openly involves China, as Pakistan's military capability in terms of weapons and technology has been boosted by China. It is well known that Pakistan is the biggest buyer of Chinese military hardware, but it is now the 'military software', as evidenced during Operation Sindoor, which is concerning. Deputy Army Chief's Remarks On July 04, the Deputy Chief of Army Staff, Lt Gen Rahul R Singh, while speaking on Operation Sindoor, reinforced this important aspect of the China-Pakistan nexus when he stated that China was an ever-present factor bolstering Pakistan's military efforts through unprecedented battlefield collusion during Operation Sindoor. Drones, cyber operations, and net-centric warfare elements employed by Pakistan showed unmistakable imprints of the 'Chinese military playbook'. The Deputy Chief also said that Chinese Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) systems provided real-time data, situational awareness, and surveillance capabilities to the Pakistani forces. Even civilian assets such as the Chinese fishing fleet were reportedly leveraged to monitor Indian naval deployments, while Pakistan's Navy remained coastal-bound. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD He stated that Pakistan had full visibility into Indian military deployments, which was made evident during the Director General of Military Operations (DGMO)-level talks by disclosing that 'When the DGMO-level talks were going on, Pakistan actually was mentioning that 'we know that your such-and-such important vector is primed and ready for action. I would request you to perhaps pull it back'. It is apparent that Pakistan was getting these inputs … from China'. 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Lieutenant General Singh revealed that during Operation Sindoor, India faced not just Pakistan but effectively three adversaries on one border. 'Pakistan was the front face. We had China providing all possible support … Turkey also played a very important role in providing the type of support that was there.' He also disclosed that Turkey provided substantial support to Pakistan, including Bayraktar drones and trained personnel. 'Turkey also played a very important role in providing the type of support that was there. Bayraktar, of course, has been there. We saw numerous other drones also coming in during the war, along with trained sorts of individuals who were there,' he revealed. This brings out Turkey's active role in supporting Pakistan against India, indicating a broader geopolitical alignment that extends beyond traditional Pakistan-China cooperation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD China Downplays Remarks On July 7, China downplayed the deputy chief's remarks, and its foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said at a media briefing, 'I am not familiar with the specifics you mentioned. Let me say that China and Pakistan are close neighbours who enjoy traditional friendship. Defence and security cooperation is part of the normal cooperation between the two countries and does not target any third party.' At the same time, Mao said the India-China relationship is in a 'critical moment of improvement and development' and Beijing would like to promote steady growth of bilateral ties with New Delhi. When it was pointed out that China's active support in providing live inputs to Pakistan during the conflict was contrary to her assertion that the close ties do not target any third party, Mao said, 'I am not sure how that allegation came about. Different people may have different perspectives.' In sync with these remarks, the Pakistan Army Chief, General Asim Munir, now 'Field Marshal', in an address to graduating officers at the National Defence University in Islamabad, said, 'Insinuations regarding external support in Pakistan's successful Operation Bunyanum Marsoos are irresponsible and factually incorrect.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Pakistan-China Collusivity The handing over of Shaksgam Valley in Gilgit–Baltistan by Pakistan to China in 1963 was a defining moment in Pakistan-China relations. In 1964, Pakistan became the first non-communist country to begin its flights to China. In March 1965, Pakistan denounced the 'Two China policy' of the US. China now began to regard Pakistan as a trustworthy partner in South Asia. The 1965 India-Pakistan war proved to be a real catalyst in cementing these ties, as China fully supported Pakistan. 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While speaking at an event hosted by the Observer Research Foundation on 08 July, Chief of Defence Staff General Anil Chauhan said, 'There is a possible convergence of interest we can talk about between China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh that may have implications for India's stability and security dynamics.' Operation Sindoor has demonstrated that conflicts will not be fought as per the previous templates. The focus, though shifting to multi-domain operations, is on non-contact kinetic attacks using long-range vectors and air to facilitate precision strikes apart from cyber, economic, legal, information, and proxy wars. In such a scenario China as a major player will prefer to remain invisible, and it is in this grey zone that we will witness greater collusivity, which will get compounded in times to come. The author is a retired Major General of the Indian Army. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. 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