Shadow fleets and ‘grey-zone' sabotage: The communication battleground beneath the waves
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CSRI executive director Andrew Yeh said the involvement of commercial shadow fleets was consistent with grey-zone doctrine.
'Undersea cables underpin prosperity and security in the digital age,' he said. 'We cannot afford to be naive about the unprecedented threat that China and Russia's grey-zone operations pose to the UK's undersea infrastructure.
The Baltic Sea is a peculiar theatre for modern maritime competition. At first glance, it's a crowded body of water – shallow, narrow, hemmed in by nine countries, six of them NATO members. But that congestion is precisely what makes it a high-stakes flashpoint. It has become a transport lifeline for Vladimir Putin's Russia, both in terms of exports and imports, and strategically.
About 60 undersea cable systems crisscross the Baltic, with more added each year. These cables don't just power Netflix in Norway or Zoom in Zeebrugge – they form the encrypted foundation of NATO's command networks, trans-Atlantic data flows, and even the control systems for power grids and offshore wind farms.
Yet NATO admits that it can't see everything. Much of the Baltic's maritime domain isn't covered by the automatic identification system that tracks commercial ships. Vessels operating 'dark' – without beacons, under false flags or masking their activity – have found freedom in the grey.
That's where Task Force X comes in.
Onboard Alliance, we're watching unmanned surface vehicles such as the Saildrone Explorer and Martac's Devil Ray glide in formation with crewed vessels. These aren't science-fair toys. They're the spear point of a NATO-wide effort to fill the surveillance gaps in increasingly contested waters.
This week in The Hague, the issue will be high on the agenda of world leaders as they come together to discuss and debate European security and, in particular, the rate of spending needed to keep the continent safe.
Data from the new systems and unmanned vehicles taking part in these exercises will be fed directly to a screen in real-time during the summit, showcasing the technology's effectiveness in enhancing NATO's understanding of the Baltic region.
Leaders will also be asked to endorse a new rapid adoption action plan to ensure NATO's defences remain fit for purpose in an era of rapidly evolving threats and disruptive technological advancements.
Task Force X is designed to integrate uncrewed systems – surface, subsurface and aerial – into NATO's maritime task groups. It's a lesson in agility, drawn from the US Navy's successful experiments in the Persian Gulf and Red Sea.
But where those missions focused on anti-terrorism and anti-piracy, this one is squarely about deterring sabotage, especially to undersea infrastructure. The recent spate of attacks has accelerated the mission's rollout, with several NATO nations contributing commercial off-the-shelf systems upgraded with AI detection, sonar arrays and encrypted communications.
'The idea is to decentralise detection,' says Captain David Portal of Allied Maritime Command. 'We use autonomous vessels to track anomalies – dark ships, unexpected activity around known cable routes – and then feed that data into a real-time, pan-alliance picture.'
The goal? To spot suspicious activity before the cable is cut – not after.
What makes this different from past NATO initiatives is its scope. Task Force X isn't just plugging in new drones – it's part of a broader 'digital ocean vision', which seeks to use AI, big data and machine learning to create a living, learning map of NATO waters.
Simon Purton, the head of innovation at NATO's Allied Command Transformation, says the organisation has moved with unprecedented speed following the disruptions to undersea infrastructure in the past year, integrating the allies' capabilities with scalable platforms to provide situational awareness, and deterrence, 24/7.
'The future that we see for the military exists in our industry ... in academia ... in our science and technology labs,' he says. 'So what we're trying to do then is create some tangible delivery on that, and also make sure that things are operationally relevant.'
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Onboard the ship Alliance, that transformation is tangible. In the ship's command centre, researchers and officers watch sonar feeds and machine-learning-driven anomaly alerts. On-screen blips mark every commercial vessel. More worrying are the gaps – ship tracks that go dark near critical cable corridors, only to reappear hours later, far from where they should be.
The stakes aren't abstract. In January, foreign ministers from Finland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania issued a joint communique pledging to 'intensify maritime patrols' after more confirmed sabotage incidents. While none pointed fingers directly, the language was unequivocal: this was the work of hostile actors.
Russia, for its part, denies involvement. But few NATO commanders are buying that narrative.
Australia's vast digital economy, worth billions of dollars, relies almost entirely on a surprisingly small and vulnerable network: just 15 known international subsea cables. These vital conduits, stretching to international hubs such as Singapore and Hawaii, carry 99 per cent of the nation's data traffic.
It is one of the many reasons NATO is working with its 'Indo-Pacific 4' partners – Australia, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand.
A NATO official tells me that the need to protect critical undersea infrastructure is a 'topic of increasing concern' in both the Euro-Atlantic and the Indo-Pacific.
'For this reason, we are sharing information and best practices about how we are going about it,' the official says. 'We also see potential for co-operation ... specifically in the area of technology development to allow us to better survey our critical undersea infrastructure.'
With its blend of national contributions and off-the-shelf tech, the exercises are designed to deter further mischief, not through confrontation, but through visibility. The thinking is simple: if you can be seen, you can be deterred.
Still, Task Force X is not without challenges. As with any move towards automation, there are questions around command authority, cyber vulnerabilities and even the ethics of allowing AI to classify potential threats.
But few aboard Alliance seem bogged down in philosophical hand-wringing. The pace of experimentation is brisk. The political appetite, sharpened by recent attacks, is real.
As I disembark under a steely Nordic sky, one thing is clear: the front lines of conflict are no longer just on land, sea or air. They are digital, invisible and, increasingly, underwater.
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West Australian
3 hours ago
- West Australian
Australia, UK solidify AUKUS deal as Pentagon review raised at high-level Australia-UK talks in Sydney
Despite fears the Trump administration could abandon AUKUS, Australia and the UK have pressed ahead, preparing to sign a 50-year agreement they hope will cement the submarine pact. Defence Minister Richard Marles, Foreign Minister Penny Wong, and their UK counterparts John Healey and David Lammy unveiled the new treaty during the annual AUSMIN meeting in Sydney. The Pentagon's review of the trilateral submarine plan had been raised during the high-level talks on Friday, Mr Marles said. Both defence ministers sought to ease concerns, welcoming the still-ongoing review, with Mr Marles cushioning it as 'the most natural thing in the world' for a new government to reassess such a major deal. 'We've welcomed the review, which is being undertaken by the Trump administration. We spoke today about how both of us — both countries — can contribute to the review,' he said. 'When we came to Government back in 2022, we undertook the Defence Strategic Review. When the UK Government came to power, they, in turn, undertook a review. This is a very, very natural step.' Australia had spearheaded the AUKUS pact in 2021 under then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison, after recognising the country needed to rapidly upgrade its defence capabilities. Labor then agreed to continue it. But Mr Trump's return to the White House in January has sparked new doubts over the pricey pact, as Washington slaps controversial tariffs on multiple countries, including close allies UK and Australia. Australia has also been pressured to increase defence spending in line with the NATO agreement for governments to raise their expenditure to 5 per cent of their country's GDP by 2034. While Australia currently spends about two per cent of its GDP on defence — on track to rise slightly above 2.3 per cent by the end of the decade — Washington has signalled that may not be enough. The UK's increase to 2.5 per cent of GDP by the end of the decade, equivalent to an extra £75 billion, was announced at last month's NATO summit and welcomed by US officials. The Coalition welcomed the UK-Australia treaty but called for defence spending to be increased, urging the Albanese Government to show greater commitment to the US. 'The Albanese Government must urgently demonstrate the same clarity and commitment with the United States,' a joint statement by shadow ministers Michaelia Cash and Angus Taylor said: 'Particularly in light of the Pentagon review, to reassure our partners that Australia can deliver on its contributions and, in turn, secure continued US backing for the agreement. 'Australia must do what we can to ensure AUKUS' longevity and success.' 'At a time of rising global instability, sustained underfunding risks weakening Australia's deterrence and damaging trust in our alliances,' they said. 'The Government must match its rhetoric with investment, and we stand ready to support a bipartisan pathway to deliver the capabilities our nation needs.' Australian Strategic Policy Institute senior analyst Euan Graham said it could be contributing to current alliance tensions. The pressure comes ahead of summit season, where the Prime Minister Anthony Albanese hopes to land his first meeting with Donald Trump. The Prime Minister has dodged questions on when he'll meet the US President after their planned G7 meeting fell through, with Opposition Leader Sussan Ley attacking the lack of progress during the first sitting of the new Parliament this week. Dr Graham said while the UK could support long-term ambitions, Australia still faced a near-term capability gap it would need the US to fill. He said Australia still had an interim reliance on US-made Virginia-class submarines — set to be acquired in the early 2030s, while waiting for the AUKUS subs to be delivered in the 2040s. 'It doesn't solve the issue of the gap between now and when those submarines start being delivered,' he said. 'That's where the American Virginia class gap-filling really comes into play.' But he reiterated that the AUKUS arrangement was a three-nation pact and can be reinforced by each side, saying if confidence dips in one party, strengthening ties with the others can help balance it out. 'This is a clear commitment from the UK to honour its side of the bargain, and I think hopefully that should steady some of the nervousness around Washington's commitment levels,' he said. Greens Senator David Shoebridge blasted the new treaty, calling it a backward step that enriches foreign arms companies and damages regional ties. 'Australia needs to look to our region, not tie our future to a dying empire a world away. All this will do is line the pockets of foreign arms companies and alienate our neighbours,' Senator Shoebridge said. But Dr Graham said Australia must pay to play, and it was necessary to offshore work because Australia lacks the technology to produce the subs on its own. 'If Australia wants capability, it has to buy it. It can't produce it itself,' he said. 'As part of that, Australia is committed to directly investing in the defence industrial base of both countries. 'That's money that's going to leave Australia and go into other countries, but those other countries are providing a service. It's like anything else.' Mr Marles expressed the importance of Australia's 'oldest relationship' with Britain amid global uncertainty and a 'great power contest' in the region. UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy labelled the AUSMIN talks as ' focused and constructive' and the pact a 'landmark treaty' which was necessary in a 'turbulent world'. 'It's clear that the UK-Australia relationship is an anchor in what is a very volatile world, providing stability in troubled waters and a relationship that holds steady,' he said. 'Whichever way the geopolitical winds are blowing . . . I think we're sending a clear signal, a signal of the UK's commitment to this region of the world.' He said the UK was determined to keep the Indo-Pacific 'free and open'. Senator Wong said the relationship was rooted in shared values and interests, but it was important to 'modernise' the partnership to meet current global challenges. 'We all know we face the most challenging, strategic circumstances since World War II. More conflict, more contest, a multilateral system under strain,' Senator Wong said. 'And against that backdrop, the partnership between our nations matters even more. And we are determined to work together to modernise our partnership, to take the world as it is, but to work together to shape it for the better. 'We've had an excellent set of discussions today.' Both parties will travel to Mr Marles' Geelong electorate tomorrow, where the agreement is expected to be officially signed. Mr Marles and Ms Wong will also join their UK counterparts in Darwin on Sunday for the visit of the UK Carrier Strike Group, the first such deployment to Australia since 1997, taking place during Exercise Talisman Sabre 2025.

Sydney Morning Herald
3 hours ago
- Sydney Morning Herald
Inside Australia's biggest war games, Exercise Talisman Sabre
It's a sweltering morning in the top end of Australia, where thousands of military personnel have swarmed Darwin's coastline for the nation's largest war games. Members of the US Coast Guard bring reporters through Darwin's turquoise waters off Larrakeyah Barracks on a fast ride through the security zone. There's chatter about the clear differences between how Australia and the US protect their coasts. Military vessels circle the water, a heavy presence as ordinary boaties cruise through. Further along the coast, a group of soldiers has set up to practise firing. There, they wait for civilian watercraft to pass through, the boaties seemingly unperturbed by the military. For many Darwin residents, the huge influx of armed forces to the region is not a surprise. And many of the troops have been here before. But some say this year's Talisman Sabre, the 11th iteration of the training exercise comprising mainly Australian Defence Personnel and members of the US military, is different. There's a bigger focus on 'the enemy'. Questions swirl in the political bubble about potential threats to Australia. Talisman Sabre kicked off as Prime Minister Anthony Albanese met with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing. Albanese has vowed not to back down on security measures, such as taking back control of the Port of Darwin, controversially leased by Chinese firm Landbridge. Uneasiness hangs in the air in Darwin as journalists ask defence commanders questions regarding China surveilling the war games. The Chinese have routinely monitored military training from afar in recent years. Royal Australian Air Force Commander Louise DesJardins tells a media pack that while the ADF keeps an eye on maritime approaches, 'at the moment we're not happy to discuss the surveillance'. The ADF consistently pushes the message that the war games are not, in fact, targeted at any particular country, and are more for maintaining peace. US Brigadier-General Shannon Smith, serving with one of Australia's steadfast allies, points to the massive scope of the region and what he says are the complexities of international relationships. 'I've seen nothing but a consistent messaging from our administration and our national defence strategy that we're committed to a rule-based order across the globe,' he says. But reporters ask the troops if they feel prepared for war. Many say they are. They acknowledge what they've learned in previous exercises, sometimes serving on 'attack' teams, other times in defence. This stifling day in Darwin, Mark Hazlett, a captain in the Australian Army's reserve 31st/42nd Battalion of the Royal Queensland Regiment, is serving in the 'enemy' team. For this exercise, both the attack and defence teams are operating in a fictitious country, 'Belesia'. Strategies employed are 'open source, obviously derived from our knowledge of the operation procedures and tactics from world actors', Hazlett says. His personnel are tasked with testing the contingencies of the defence team, who represent Australia and its allies. 'That includes having a look at the vulnerabilities, and trying to exploit those as enemy combatants,' he says. Soldiers get to practise detention, handling skills, vehicle checkpoints, and other tactics with personnel from the US, Britain and Canada. For the first time, the exercises have stretched to Papua New Guinea and Christmas Island. Back home, Hazlett is a sergeant with the Queensland Police Service based outside Cairns. He's been with the QPS for more than a decade. Many of the things he's done with the army reserves, however, are difficult to explain to the civilian world – like how to stop his hands trembling when he puts a detonator into a claymore mine. 'It's a nerve-racking thing as it is. You've always got that feeling you've got to ground yourself ... that's why you hold it like a cigarette,' he says. 'But being able to then roll that back and set it off, is an incredible experience ... you're training to be a real soldier. You are a real soldier.' Taine Waerea, a private who recently joined from Queensland, says he always wanted to wear the greens. Loading After months in uniform, he remembers setting up his first claymore. 'I'm an electrician ... I don't get to be trained in such weapons systems I get to be trained in here. I don't get to blow things up,' he laughs. As members of the 31st/42nd Battalion sit near the water for a brief break, Lance Corporal Selby Anderson and his sister Private Brooke Anderson, both train drivers in Queensland, reflect on their careers. For them, military service is personal – their grandfather served in the Royal Australian Navy in Vietnam aboard multiple ships. The pair talk of army helicopters and vehicles, but also giving back to the community. All those who spoke to this masthead are confident when they say Australia is prepared for any war. 'I'll leave the politics to the politicians,' Hazlett says. 'We get a set of orders, and we plan to those orders. For this, we plan to the tactics that we know. We train and we continue to train. 'We will hopefully continue to operate in peace time.'

The Age
3 hours ago
- The Age
Inside Australia's biggest war games, Exercise Talisman Sabre
It's a sweltering morning in the top end of Australia, where thousands of military personnel have swarmed Darwin's coastline for the nation's largest war games. Members of the US Coast Guard bring reporters through Darwin's turquoise waters off Larrakeyah Barracks on a fast ride through the security zone. There's chatter about the clear differences between how Australia and the US protect their coasts. Military vessels circle the water, a heavy presence as ordinary boaties cruise through. Further along the coast, a group of soldiers has set up to practise firing. There, they wait for civilian watercraft to pass through, the boaties seemingly unperturbed by the military. For many Darwin residents, the huge influx of armed forces to the region is not a surprise. And many of the troops have been here before. But some say this year's Talisman Sabre, the 11th iteration of the training exercise comprising mainly Australian Defence Personnel and members of the US military, is different. There's a bigger focus on 'the enemy'. Questions swirl in the political bubble about potential threats to Australia. Talisman Sabre kicked off as Prime Minister Anthony Albanese met with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing. Albanese has vowed not to back down on security measures, such as taking back control of the Port of Darwin, controversially leased by Chinese firm Landbridge. Uneasiness hangs in the air in Darwin as journalists ask defence commanders questions regarding China surveilling the war games. The Chinese have routinely monitored military training from afar in recent years. Royal Australian Air Force Commander Louise DesJardins tells a media pack that while the ADF keeps an eye on maritime approaches, 'at the moment we're not happy to discuss the surveillance'. The ADF consistently pushes the message that the war games are not, in fact, targeted at any particular country, and are more for maintaining peace. US Brigadier-General Shannon Smith, serving with one of Australia's steadfast allies, points to the massive scope of the region and what he says are the complexities of international relationships. 'I've seen nothing but a consistent messaging from our administration and our national defence strategy that we're committed to a rule-based order across the globe,' he says. But reporters ask the troops if they feel prepared for war. Many say they are. They acknowledge what they've learned in previous exercises, sometimes serving on 'attack' teams, other times in defence. This stifling day in Darwin, Mark Hazlett, a captain in the Australian Army's reserve 31st/42nd Battalion of the Royal Queensland Regiment, is serving in the 'enemy' team. For this exercise, both the attack and defence teams are operating in a fictitious country, 'Belesia'. Strategies employed are 'open source, obviously derived from our knowledge of the operation procedures and tactics from world actors', Hazlett says. His personnel are tasked with testing the contingencies of the defence team, who represent Australia and its allies. 'That includes having a look at the vulnerabilities, and trying to exploit those as enemy combatants,' he says. Soldiers get to practise detention, handling skills, vehicle checkpoints, and other tactics with personnel from the US, Britain and Canada. For the first time, the exercises have stretched to Papua New Guinea and Christmas Island. Back home, Hazlett is a sergeant with the Queensland Police Service based outside Cairns. He's been with the QPS for more than a decade. Many of the things he's done with the army reserves, however, are difficult to explain to the civilian world – like how to stop his hands trembling when he puts a detonator into a claymore mine. 'It's a nerve-racking thing as it is. You've always got that feeling you've got to ground yourself ... that's why you hold it like a cigarette,' he says. 'But being able to then roll that back and set it off, is an incredible experience ... you're training to be a real soldier. You are a real soldier.' Taine Waerea, a private who recently joined from Queensland, says he always wanted to wear the greens. Loading After months in uniform, he remembers setting up his first claymore. 'I'm an electrician ... I don't get to be trained in such weapons systems I get to be trained in here. I don't get to blow things up,' he laughs. As members of the 31st/42nd Battalion sit near the water for a brief break, Lance Corporal Selby Anderson and his sister Private Brooke Anderson, both train drivers in Queensland, reflect on their careers. For them, military service is personal – their grandfather served in the Royal Australian Navy in Vietnam aboard multiple ships. The pair talk of army helicopters and vehicles, but also giving back to the community. All those who spoke to this masthead are confident when they say Australia is prepared for any war. 'I'll leave the politics to the politicians,' Hazlett says. 'We get a set of orders, and we plan to those orders. For this, we plan to the tactics that we know. We train and we continue to train. 'We will hopefully continue to operate in peace time.'