‘Govt giving fake property letters'
Challenging the govt to show one legal registry, he alleged the scheme was a lie backed by illegal paperwork and zero legal standing. He said the SC had, till date, not allowed any registration or ownership claims in "lal lakir" areas but the AAP govt was handing out papers with no legal value, misleading thousands of innocent families.
Ghumman claimed that during the 2022 state polls, former Congress MLAs also distributed cheques to households but when people reached banks, the cheques bounced and they were fined. "Sanjeev Arora has not delivered anything real as Rajya Sabha MP, and now he wants to mislead Ludhiana West as an MLA," he said, adding that people need permanent legal solutions, not political stunts. tnn
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India Today
an hour ago
- India Today
Why BJP old guard in Punjab, national leadership aren't buying the SAD reunion talk
When Sunil Jakhar stood before the media and declared it was time for the BJP to rejoin hands with the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), many in the party's Punjab unit heard not a call to action but an echo from a past they have been trying to leave former Congressman-turned-BJP state chief framed the idea as essential for preserving communal harmony in Punjab, but those who've spent decades in the trenches of the state's politics—BJP old-timers, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) swayamsevaks and ideological foot soldiers—felt a creeping dj vu they had hoped was long July 7, BJP national president J.P. Nadda appointed Pathankot MLA Ashwani Sharma as the state unit's working president. Punjab was the only state, along with Manipur, that couldn't complete the organisational elections to elect unit chiefs for mandals and districts, which forced the appointment of Sharma as working president, not a full-fledged one. However, days later, the party high command conveyed to Sharma to complete the process and get the regular elections done. These weren't ordinary developments but the party returning to its trusted years ago, the party high command had experimented by appointing Jakhar to lead the state unit, but the decision backfired. Jakhar could neither read party old-timers' pain points not was aligned to the BJP and Sangh's core ideology. For the generation that built the BJP in Punjab through the eighties and nineties, mostly as a junior partner of the dominant SAD, there is little romance in that alliance. Sharma was party chief twice during the alliance and among the leaders who felt suffocated during those days. The biggest signal from the party high command of admission of a past goof-up came with the return of Sharma, who had been removed mid-term to accommodate BJP leaders in the state argue that the experiment with Jakhar had failed because he couldn't understand the DNA of the party and the Sangh's value system. 'Whatever Jakhar has conveyed are his personal views. The decision of alliance or no alliance [with SAD] will be taken by the party leadership,' said a top BJP leader from old-timers in Punjab argued that the central leadership, while handing back the state unit reins to Sharma, had conveyed that there was no scope for any re-alliance with SAD. 'The party will grow organically as well as inorganically on its own merit,' said a BJP leader in Delhi with a grip on Punjab voters in Delhi voted for a BJP contesting without any alliance with SAD. In Punjab, the challenge is to build the structure and communication lines in the countryside—the boroughs dominated by Jat Sikhs. In the past, SAD would come in handy. The BJP tried to do the same with Jakhar, a Hindu Jat from the rural pockets.A BJP leader in Punjab said the erstwhile alliance with SAD was an arrangement that suited the Badals more than the BJP. 'The Akalis dictated terms, took the lion's share of seats and kept the BJP confined to urban pockets,' the leader said. Even then, the BJP had to tiptoe around the Akali line on everything, from religious issues to rural politics. Over time, it became clear to the BJP that this wasn't a coalition of equals but one tilted steeply in favour of the BJP-SAD alliance finally broke in 2020, triggered by the contentious central farm laws, it wasn't just a political divorce—it was a moment of liberation for many within the BJP in Punjab. For the first time, the party could test its real strength in the state. They argue that SAD has no ground presence left, and the Sukhbir Badal faction is no comparison to the erstwhile panthic party, enjoying neither credibility nor the core voter base. 'We don't see all factions of the Akali Dal realigning under the Badal family anytime soon,' said a BJP modest results in the assembly elections in 2022 hinted at long-term potential. More significantly, the 2024 Lok Sabha polls delivered some validation. The BJP may not have won any Lok Sabha seat, but it led in 23 assembly segments and came a close second in around 10 more—without SAD help. The BJP got around 19 per cent of the votes while SAD's share slipped below 12 per cent. In 65 assembly segments, the BJP got more votes than SAD. And this when radicalisation was at its peak and residual anger of the farmer unions was against the leaders who had once campaigned under the suffocating weight of Akali dominance, this was a breakthrough. There was finally space to articulate a nationalist, development-focused Hindutva pitch that didn't have to pass through SAD's panthic filter. Many in the party's older generation now believe that rekindling the SAD alliance would be akin to trading away their hard-earned autonomy for a partner in terminal under Sukhbir Badal's stewardship, is a pale shadow of its former self. Credibility has eroded across constituencies—from rural Malwa to the urban fringes. The party's handling of the sacrilege incidents, its back and forth on farm law politics, and reputation as a dynastic, insular outfit have all contributed to the steep fall. SAD won just three assembly seats in 2022, its worst performance ever. In the 2024 general election, its vote share stagnated and its appeal among younger Sikhs seemed even more all this, Jakhar's push to renew the alliance has come with a sense of urgency. He argued that communal amity in Punjab was best served by a SAD-BJP partnership. But in the backrooms of BJP offices in Patiala, Amritsar and Ludhiana, that logic is being questioned—not just on ideological grounds but political arithmetic.A senior BJP leader from the Doaba region, who's been part of the organisation since the Atal Bihari Vajpayee era, put it bluntly: 'We've finally started talking to Sikh voters without SAD as the interpreter. Why would we give that up now?' Indeed, for this generation of BJP leaders, the goal isn't just to win elections—it's to build a political identity that resonates with Sikhs independently of the Akali evolution aligns with the RSS's long-term view. Over the past decade, the Sangh has deepened its outreach to Sikh scholars, institutions and cultural bodies not only in the state but nationally and internationally. The aim has been to engage in ideological dialogue, not transactional but certainly, Sangh leaders—in Punjab and nationally—have fostered spaces for Sikh voices that are both devout and nationalist, without leaning on SAD as the intermediary. These include scholars working on Sikh history with a national lens, Dera leaders with social service platforms and even local granthis open to engaging with Sangh-linked the past, SAD and its leaders took credit for work done by the central government. A top BJP leader in Delhi argued that the Modi government, in its first two terms, had erased the list of 'blacklisted Sikhs' who were denied entry into India, worked with the Pakistan government to open the Kartarpur Sahib corridor, besides adhering to Sikh sensibilities, such as allowing Amritdhari Sikhs to carry kirpans on domestic flights. To take the messaging down to the grassroots was ally SAD's job. 'But because of their credibility crisis, the party (SAD) still finds it challenging to convince Sikhs in the state,' said a BJP reacting to Jakhar's statement, said that elections in Punjab were far away and his party would align only with those who stand for the cause of Punjab. Akali Dal insiders list their demands as including the release of convicted Sikh militants, but BJP leaders point out that the Modi government, in its first term, had released some Sikh militants, yet their party got no BJP and Sangh leaderships, over the past five years, have intensified engagement with the Sikh leadership in social, political as well as religious spheres. The engagement is bearing fruit. The rise and decline of figures such as Amritpal Singh, the weak showing of Khalistan-aligned candidates in Canada's 2024 elections, and the broader disinterest among Punjab's youth towards separatist narratives suggest that de-radicalisation is underway. It's slow and uneven, but unmistakable. The vacuum left by this decline offers space—not to SAD but to a BJP that can speak clearly, confidently and respectfully to Sikhs without hiding behind old changes are visible, such as the state BJP taking a stance in favour of actor-singer Diljit Dosanjh over the controversy erupting from his movie Sardaar Ji 3 featuring a Pakistani actress opposite him. Radical Sikh groups were using the issue to rile against the central government as well as Hindutva elements. The BJP effectively curtailed it by backing Dosanjh instead of indulging in precisely why many in the BJP view Jakhar's suggestion as a step backward. 'This is old medicine for a new disease,' said a party leader from Bathinda. 'Jakhar wants to treat Punjab 2025 with the formulas of Punjab 1995. It doesn't work anymore.' Even those who respect Jakhar's political instincts see his idea as a reaction to short-term electoral anxiety, not a strategy rooted in ground also growing belief that SAD no longer brings votes to the table. If anything, an alliance with them might drag the BJP down with the baggage of past controversies and declining credibility. 'We've spent years distancing ourselves from their misgovernance,' said another senior BJP hand from Amritsar. 'Why would we want to share a stage with them again now?'Instead, there's a growing push within the BJP to design its own political matrix for Punjab—from scratch. This means looking at caste equations anew, building alliances with backward classes, reaching out to ex-servicemen and traders and expanding in regions where neither the Congress nor the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is Majha, for instance, the BJP sees potential among the border villages and Hindu-Sikh mixed constituencies. In Doaba, NRIs and Dalit voters are increasingly open to hearing a non-Akali nationalist pitch. In urban Malwa, BJP leaders are betting on middle-class fatigue with both AAP and a BJP leader explained, Jakhar's nostalgia for the old alliance may come from his days in the Congress, where broad-based coalitions were the default. But the BJP's DNA in Punjab is different. It has been forged through ideological struggle, often against the grain, and with long-term vision rather than short-term now, senior BJP leaders are choosing not to confront Jakhar publicly. But their message is clear: the BJP must not outsource its Sikh outreach to SAD again. The future lies not in reviving tired partnerships but in forging fresh connections—one village, one dera, one scholar at a to India Today Magazine- EndsMust Watch
India.com
an hour ago
- India.com
Feel Sad Supporting…: Chirag Paswan Slams Nitish Govt Over Law And Order
Union Minister and Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader Chirag Paswan on Saturday launched a scathing attack on the Nitish Kumar-led NDA government, saying he is saddened to support a government that is unable to curb murders, kidnappings, loot, robbery, and rape. Paswan further lashed out at the Nitish government in Bihar, saying that the way crime is happening in Bihar, it seems as if the administration is completely incapable of stopping these incidents. "I feel sad that I am supporting such a government here... The way murders, kidnappings, looting, robbery, rapes have taken place one after the other in Bihar, and now it seems as if the administration is completely incapable of stopping these incidents. If it continues like this, then it will create a very frightening situation in our state,' Paswan said. Paswan's remark came after a 26-year-old woman participating in a Home Guard recruitment test on July 24 in Gaya was allegedly gang-raped inside an ambulance while being taken to a hospital after she collapsed during a physical test. The LJP (Ram Vilas) president, part of the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), said that it seems the Bihar government has "completely bowed down" in front of criminals, referencing a retired health department official being shot at by unknown assailants in Gaya district. He said that if such incidents aren't curtailed, then it will create a frightening situation in the state. "The way there have been criminal incidents one after another, and the way the government has bowed its head down in front of criminals. It is true that the incident is as condemnable as it is embarrassing, and an arrest also happened. But why are such incidents like murder, loot, dacoity, rape, one after another, happening in Bihar? It looks like the government is totally unsuccessful in curtailing these incidents. If this keeps going on, then it will create a very frightening situation in our state," Paswan said. Earlier this month, Chirag attacked the Nitish-led state government over the law and order situation, saying that 'the morale of the criminals were at its highest in the state. "In Biharsharif, Nalanda, criminals brutally murdered 16-year-old Himanshu Paswan and 20-year-old Anu Kumar by shooting them. This incident is extremely unfortunate and condemnable. This heinous event not only shakes humanity but also shows that law and order in Bihar have completely collapsed. Crime in the state is at its peak, and the fact that such an incident was carried out by criminals in the home district of the honourable Chief Minister clearly indicates that the morale of criminals is at its highest," Paswan said in a post on X.
India.com
an hour ago
- India.com
‘Remove His Boots, Thrash Me…': Claims Shivakumar's Officer After Clash With Siddaramaiahs Aide In Delhi
Amid the controversy involving a clash between special officers attached to Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and Deputy Chief Minister D.K. Shivakumar at Karnataka Bhavan in Delhi, a copy of the complaint submitted by the Deputy Chief Minister's officer alleging that the Chief Minister's aide tried to assault him with boots has gone viral on social media. The complaint, dated July 22, was filed by H. Anjaneya, Special Officer to the Dy CM and Deputy Coordinator with the Resident Commissioner of Karnataka Bhavan in Delhi. In it, Anjaneya accuses C. Mohan Kumar, Assistant Resident Commissioner (Grade-2), of threatening him in front of staff members, claiming he would take off his boots and assault him. Mohan Kumar is also serving as the special officer to Siddaramaiah. In his complaint, Anjaneya stated: "Mohan Kumar has been obstructing me from performing my duties ever since I joined service. He told me that he would remove his boots and thrash me in his chamber. He even attempted to attack me outside his chamber in the presence of staff member Pramila and others. I am a Group B officer and currently serving as the Special Officer to the Dy CM. If anything happens to me - if I meet with an accident or face any harm - Mohan Kumar should be held responsible." He further alleged, "If his service records are examined, it will reveal that he had previously assaulted one M.M. Joshi. With the arrogance of being the Special Officer to the CM, he wants the administration to function according to his whims. Though I am a senior in service, during his tenure, he prevented me from working even as an in-charge accountant." Anjaneya has requested a departmental inquiry against Mohan Kumar, citing issues related to obstruction of duty, denial of promotions, the use of abusive language, and attempted assault. The incident involving special officers attached to Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and Deputy Chief Minister and State Congress President D.K. Shivakumar clashing at Karnataka Bhavan in Delhi has sparked a fresh debate over the leadership tussle within the Congress. The Karnataka BJP has stated that the ongoing slugfest between the CM and Dy CM has crossed all limits Commenting on the development, Karnataka Leader of the Opposition R. Ashoka said on Saturday that Mallikarjun Kharge and Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi have completely lost control over Karnataka. 'The public slugfest between Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar has crossed every limit, from backroom politics to open threats in Karnataka Bhavan, Delhi,' he said. Ashoka further added, "If this is the state of governance, how can anyone trust the Congress-led government in Karnataka to run the state? This power struggle isn't just embarrassing, it's dangerous." "The Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar camps are tearing into each other, settling scores round after round, while the so-called high command sits helpless in Delhi, leaving Karnataka leaderless and adrift," Ashoka remarked. "Karnataka deserves better than this circus and anarchy," he concluded.
