
Is NEP 2020 reforming education or reinforcing central control?
At stake is not only the future of India's education system, but the very balance of power in a federal structure under pressure.
Foundational gains on paper, and in practice
At the primary level, NEP 2020 has catalysed notable improvements in learning outcomes. ASER 2024 reported that 23.4% of Class III students in government schools can now read a Grade II-level text, up from 16.3% in 2022—the highest since 2005. Arithmetic skills have also improved, with 27.6% of students able to do basic subtraction, compared to 20.2% two years prior.
The rollout of the NIPUN Bharat Mission, the 12-week Vidya Pravesh programme, and the distribution of 'Jaadui Pitara' kits in 22 Indian languages have supported these improvements. Over 14 lakh teachers have been trained under the Nishtha foundational programme, marking one of the largest teacher development efforts in recent years.
However, even as rural students now outperform urban peers, just half of government and aided schools offer preschool, revealing a systemic lag in infrastructure and access.
by Taboola
by Taboola
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Higher education access
expands, but structural gaps persist
In higher education, gross enrolment rose from 3.42 crore in 2014-15 to 4.46 crore in 2022-23—a 30.5% jump. Female enrolment increased by 38.4%, and PhD enrolment among women more than doubled. Enrolment among SC, ST, minority, and Northeastern students saw record growth, raising hopes for a more equitable academic future.
Initiatives like the Academic Bank of Credit (ABC)—with over 32 crore IDs generated—and the biannual admission cycle promise greater flexibility.
Yet uptake remains minimal: just 31,000 undergraduates and 5,500 postgraduates have used the multiple entry-exit system. Even with Rs 100 crore each given to 35 institutions to become multidisciplinary, most remain in transition, weighed down by outdated curricula, rigid administrative frameworks, and faculty shortages.
The language of policy—or policy of language?
Despite measurable progress, the NEP has run into political headwinds. States like Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and West Bengal have opposed what they describe as an over-centralised, one-language-fits-all approach.
The rollout of a national curriculum framework, the promotion of Hindi and Sanskrit, and the centralised design of assessments (like PARAKH) have been read as symptoms of deeper attempts to recentralise control over education—an area constitutionally shared between the Centre and states.
For these governments, the question is not whether reform is needed, but who controls the direction of that reform. Their pushback is less about pedagogy and more about constitutional autonomy.
Federalism under strain
The NEP's top-down execution has exposed a widening rift between the Union government's vision and state governments' autonomy. With education on the Concurrent List, any major reform ideally requires collaborative federalism. Instead, critics argue, NEP 2020 has been operationalised through policy instruments, funding structures, and curricular frameworks that reduce states to implementers rather than partners.
Some educationists warn that this model could create a two-speed education system—where compliance ensures funding and dissent leads to marginalisation, particularly in politically non-aligned states.
Reform or reinvention of control?
The central dilemma surrounding NEP 2020 is not about whether its goals are desirable, but whether its execution honours the diversity and decentralisation embedded in India's educational history.
While the policy has undeniably set in motion long-needed changes—from early childhood integration to greater inclusion in higher education—its delivery model has raised questions about uniformity trumping local context, and reform being equated with central authority.
As the Centre pushes ahead with further implementation and state resistance hardens, NEP 2020 may be remembered not just as an education reform, but as a test case for Indian federalism.
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