
Justin Kelly named as new Garda Commissioner to succeed Drew Harris
Garda
Commissioner
Drew Harris
, who is due to retire in a matter of weeks.
Mr Kelly has been appointed to lead the Garda force after a recruitment process that began in May.
Minister for Justice
Jim O'Callaghan
recommended Mr Kelly to his colleagues at Tuesday's Cabinet meeting, where the appointment was confirmed.
In a statement, Mr O'Callaghan said he is 'very pleased' the Government has accepted his recommendation.
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'The role of Garda Commissioner is one of the most challenging and impactful leadership positions in Ireland's public service and the appointment process was suitably rigorous,' he said.
'I am satisfied that Justin Kelly is both qualified and particularly well suited to the role of Commissioner given his extensive leadership experience over the last 30 years in some of the most challenging issues facing An Garda Síochána including national security, domestic and sexual violence, and organised crime.'
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Justin Kelly interview: The changing Irish drugs trade: rocketing cocaine prices, gangs growing closer and Irish middlemen in Colombia
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A three-week recruitment campaign was held in May, including an international search for suitable candidates, which resulted in 14 candidates. The selection process included two interviews and a presentation by candidates as well as a detailed psychometric assessment.
While Mr Harris is not due to retire until September 1st, after seven years in the role, the handover to Mr Kelly is expected to take place sooner than that.
His appointment will be a popular one across the Garda force as he has spent the majority of his policing career involved in crime investigation work, mostly combating drugs and organised crime. As a result, he is regarded as someone familiar with the pressures facing frontline gardaí.
A Dubliner, Mr Kelly joined An Garda Síochána as a recruit in the 1990s and has served,
since last October, as deputy commissioner for 'security, strategy and governance'.
Before that he was assistant commissioner in charge of the 'serious and organised crime' area of the Garda, including all the specialist units that tackle serious and for-profit crime.
He has been one of the key figures in the Garda leading and managing the investigations into the
Kinahan cartel,
including its leadership tier based in Dubai and its Irish operation, which was previously headed by Dubliner Liam Byrne.
In an interview with The Irish Times last year, Mr Kelly said the nature of Irish organised crime had changed, with far fewer gangland gun murders but significant co-operation around importing drugs.
He said he believed drugs gangs had seen how the Garda wiped out the Kinahan and Hutch groups in Dublin during the operation targeting their feud and had decided not to engage in feuding or gun murders for fear of being targeted in the same way.
Mr Kelly said although many people believed Irish crime groups were 'competing with each other and these groups would kill each other on sight, that isn't the way'.
Instead, Irish gangs were 'coming together' to import drugs, or transit drugs through the country on to other final destinations.
'We used to be an end destination, now we're [also] a transit country, without a doubt. And in some ways, we're a production country now, around cannabis herb,' Mr Kelly said, in reference to the proliferation of cannabis growhouses in the Republic.
'We've even had large MDMA [and] methamphetamine seizures here that have been going out of the country. And some of the really big cocaine seizures ... some of them have been partly staying here, partly transiting through the country.'
Earlier, the Garda Representative Association (GRA) said the key issues that the new Garda Commissioner will have to address are retention, the morale crisis within the force, the use of suspensions and discipline, lack of training and excessive bureaucracy.
Speaking on Newstalk Breakfast on Tuesday morning, the GRA's general secretary, Ronan Slevin, said he hoped that whoever is appointed as Garda Commissioner will recognise those issues that need to be addressed immediately.
When asked about the GRA's lack of faith in Mr Harris, Mr Slevin said that he had failed to address issues identified by the association over many years.
'He still is denying that there is a morale issue within An Garda Síochána. And I think that the resignation and retirement figures clearly demonstrate that there's a serious morale issue within the workforce.'
Mr Slevin said that the new commissioner will have to address issues such as the inability to attract new members into the force, as well as the staff retention issue.
'Those are issues that he can address immediately, the use of suspension, discipline, the lack of training, the bureaucracy and administration tasks that members unnecessarily have to get involved in on a day-to-day basis. All of that is leading into a demoralised workforce and I think that the new Commissioner will have to address that,' said Mr Slevin.
'You have a force that are in some way in fear of working because they know that if they make any form of a mistake they will be disciplined severely as a result of that, and that strangles the workforce in the environment that our workforce is in.'
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Irish Times
38 minutes ago
- Irish Times
Ministerial report cards: How did the new Cabinet perform in its first six months?
Six months after the 15 Government Ministers of the 34th Dáil were named, how have they been performing in their roles? Micheál Martin (FF) Taoiseach 6/10 Taoiseach Micheál Martin. Photograph: Nick Bradshaw Micheál Martin , the great survivor of Irish politics, has been Fianna Fáil leader for 14 years, weathering the financial crash that ended other political careers in his party. He is now in his second stint as Taoiseach. He is hard-working and knowledgeable but can be testy and easily baited. There is no question about his absolute authority within his own party. Still, there have been some big cock-ups since January. The saga over the speaking rights for the Michael Lowry group of Independent TDs was damaging, as was the long time it took to set up Oireachtas committees. READ MORE On a macro level, Martin and his fellow party leader in Government, Fine Gael's Simon Harris, have presided over record spending in recent years. There is a strong correction this year, with much of the money from the Apple tax windfall, plus corporation tax, being put into the two new fiscal buffers. Critics say it may be too late. The next year should really test the Government and its political wherewithal. Like many other leaders who have entered the White House this year, Martin looked at times like a deer in the headlights when he was in the Oval Office with Donald Trump on the St Patrick's trip in March. However, he and Harris have been far braver than most other EU states (with the exception of Spain) on the issue of Gaza. Simon Harris (FG) Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Trade and Defence 5/10 Tánaiste Simon Harris. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Simon Harris had a tough general election last November and the party's poll numbers under the Wicklow TD have struggled around 16 and 17 per cent, below the party's 21 per cent election result and well below the high of 27 per cent last September, when Harris was still enjoying the boost from his March 2024 election to leader. He is still highly visible when it comes to public and media exposure but his impact seems lower. Critics might say he should pursue less visibility and more substance. But keeping a low profile might not be in his nature given his hunger to dominate the airwaves and headlines. As Minister for Trade, Harris has been active. He and Martin put huge emphasis on securing a 10 per cent tariff rate with the US, making the EU's concession to the US on a15 per cent tariff harder to sell when it happened. Like Martin, he has been unstinting in his criticism of Israel over the war on Gaza. 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Browne has had setbacks: jumping the gun with his idea to appoint Nama chief executive Brendan McDonagh as the housing 'tsar'; the reform of rent pressure zones not fully thought through ; and communication shortfalls. He's not the first new Minister to have a poor start – Heather Humphreys and Norma Foley come to mind. The reason: he doesn't shy from taking decisions. Recent ones include ditching a large public-private partnership (PPP) project , and league tables for local authorities' performance in delivering social housing . He has yet to prove he has clear focus and an understanding of the broader picture. Being bold brings risk. There's no in-between for Browne – it's either big success or abject failure. Dara Calleary (FF) Minister for Social Protection and Rural Affairs 5/10 Dara Calleary, Minister for Social Protection and Minister for Rural and Community Development and the Gaeltacht. 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Photograph: John Ohle for Irish Times The Fine Gael politician comes from a farming background, and having served his apprenticeship as a junior minister in the department, he is in the mould of a minister for agriculture. Smart and independent thinking, he has been assured in the role. Agriculture is settled at the moment but there are clouds ahead. The nitrates directive exemption is on the line and Heydon will have to convince Brussels that Ireland's record on water quality is improving. The tariffs will also have a big impact on dairy exports to the US – mainly Kerrygold's – and to the drinks/whiskey industry. Heydon has been busy with trade missions to Korea and other countries to try to open up new markets. There is also a new round of Common Agricultural Policy negotiations about to commence. Norma Foley (FF) Minister for Children, Disability and Equality 5/10 Norma Foley, Minister for Children, Disability and Equality. Photograph: Colin Keegan, Collins Dublin. The Kerry TD has been largely low-key during her first six months in her new department. Bringing down childcare costs and increasing provision was a huge issue in the election. There will be pressure on her to deliver. Already she is tempering expectations on the time span to reduce the overall fee to €200 per month. She handled the fallout over the Grace report well . But she faces ongoing issues with budget overruns at Tusla, the Child and Family Agency, its performance, the number of children in unregulated emergency accommodation and the agency's failure to comply with court orders . Helen McEntee (FG) Minister for Education and Youth 6/10 Helen McEntee, Minister for Education. Photograph: Cate McCurry/PA Wire The Fine Gael Minister had a mixed legacy at the Department of Justice but she is policy-centred and a reformer by instinct. Education should suit her as the brief is wide; there are many issues with much scope to push through change. She has already engaged with the reformed curriculum for the Leaving Certificate, including the impact of artificial intelligence (AI); issued warnings to schools that don't provide special education places; and has undertaken to address high absenteeism in schools in disadvantaged areas, amid a wider review of the DEIS programme. She is promising to make a new national convention – the first in more than 30 years – the 'largest national conversation on education in the history of the State' in the coming academic year. She has promised to use 'all levers' to ensure religious orders pay full redress once the new Commission of Inquiry into historical sex Abuse in certain schools has reported. It's a promise that will be impossible to honour. James Lawless (FF) Minister for Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science 4/10 James Lawless, Minister for Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Lawless landed himself in hot water in June for stating Government policy that college fees would revert from €2,000 to €3,000 as there will be no cost-of-living package in the budget. He got clobbered, including from Fine Gael Ministers. It was a display of slight naivety. The low mark reflects that uneasy start. Fees and budgets for third-level institutions will loom large during his term. The big theme for him is improving research performance. That resonates with the wider imperatives for Ireland in addressing the threats posed by Donald Trump administration's protectionist policies. If he succeeds, he will leave a strong legacy. Patrick O'Donovan (FG) Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport. 6/10 Patrick O'Donovan, Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport. Photograph: Niall Carson/PA Wire Patrick O'Donovan can be abrasive in his manner and that doesn't always endear him to some but he is effective. His predecessor, Catherine Martin, was strong on arts and culture but not on communications and sport. With O'Donovan it's the other way around. People think he has no affinity with culture, but he has four years to prove them wrong. Already, there have been controversies. He refused to sanction a new contract for Arts Council director Maureen Kennelly because of the council's botched €7 million IT system. That seemed to blame the council when the reporting failures within the department were equally shocking. He has adopted a tough stance on RTÉ governance too. He become caught up last month in a very public row with An Post chief executive David McRedmond over media leaks out of Cabinet about the company's finances. (O'Donovan denied he was the leaker.) Peter Burke (FG) Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment 8/10 Peter Burke, Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment. Photograph: Stephen Collins/Collins Photos Although only appointed a senior Minister in 2024, Burke was one of the continuity ministers in the new Cabinet. He is viewed as assured and strategic. Low-key in manner, he was canny enough to deal with someunpopular matters early in the life of this Government, such as axing the policy to extend sick leave. Fine Gael to his core, Burke has put a big focus on competitiveness. The lowering of VAT for food and drink hospitality was scored as a win for Burke. He came up quickly with a diversification plan to encourage exporters to seek new markets for Irish goods following Trump's global tariff-fest on 'Liberation Day' on April 1st. Jennifer Carroll MacNeill (FG) Minister for Health 7/10 Jennifer Carroll MacNeill, Minister for Health. Photograph: Sam Boal/Collins Photos Carroll MacNeill is seen as confident, composed, articulate and ambitious, but this difficult portfolio will be a test of her clear leadership aspirations. She had some early wins on waiting lists and her drive to get seven-day rosters implemented in hospitals. But challenges are mounting up. There's been a 25 per cent increase in staff levels in the health service in recent years. The health budgets seem to need an extra €2 billion every single year, but the increases are not matched by productivity improvements. She will need to get bang for bucks from the HSE and that will include making Saturday a normal working day. She will also have to decide whether numerous failures in surgeries on children will allow Children's Health Ireland to continue as an independent entity. Or can CHI be trusted to run the national children's hospital when it finally opens after budget overruns and delays? And what about the practice of 'insourcing' (engaging external companies using HSE resources after working hours) to tackle waiting lists? This is yet another hugely expensive solution that has been shown to raise governance issues. [ Inside the insourcing industry: The multimillion euro business within our public hospitals Opens in new window ] Paschal Donohoe (FG) Minister for Finance 6/10 Paschal Donohoe, Minister for Finance. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Only Taoiseach Micheál Martin has more experience in government than Paschal Donohoe . The Fine Gael man is well-connected too; he has just been re-elected to his third term as president of the Eurogroup of euro zone finance ministers. Donohoe's record has to be viewed in tandem with that of Jack Chambers, his fellow economic minister at the Cabinet table. They have the same close congruence that Donohoe had with Michael McGrath when he was there. Since January, they have stated there will be no cost-of-living package this year because of Trump-induced uncertainty. The huge once-off payments of recent years were funded by bonanza returns of corporation tax. With that no longer available, the next two years will be a huge test for Donohoe. Jack Chambers (FF) Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform 6/10 Jack Chambers, Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Fianna Fáil's deputy leader , Chambers took the dramatic elevation to the key Finance portfolio last year in his stride. He delivered an assured first budget, which was made easier by a €2.2 billion cost-of-living package that won't be repeated this year. Now in Public Expenditure, his big ticket item is the €200 billion National Development Plan which has focused on housing (€28 billion); water services (€7.7 billion); energy (€3.5 billion); transport including the Metro (€22.3 billion); and health (€9 billion). Chambers may appear mild-mannered , but colleagues say he has been unyielding on reining in the departmental budget. Armed with a report highlighting the shocking delays in delivering big capital projects, he will need to greatly reduce those delays if the NDP is to pass muster. Jim O'Callaghan Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration 8/10 Jim O'Callaghan, Minister for Justice. Photograph: Collins Courts O'Callaghan is a first-time Minister but his political instincts and legal career have given him a good understanding of his portfolio. He has adopted a tough stance on two key areas: immigration and law and order On international protection, he has repeated the message that those who are not entitled to asylum are not entitled to stay. Chartered deportation flights are back; there is strong support for the EU Migration and Asylum pact; and the Cabinet has approved the purchase of Citywest Hotel as a part of a plan to provide State-owned accommodation to asylum seekers. His cause has been helped by a 43 per cent drop in the number of people seeking protection this year . Elsewhere, he has pressed his credentials as a law-and-order Minister. His decision to give a State apology to the family of Shane O'Farrell – the Longford cyclist killed by a car driven by a man on bail – showed he can manage difficult and sensitive issues and won him respect. [ How Shane O'Farrell's family spent 14 years searching for the truth after fatal hit-and-run Opens in new window ] Darragh O'Brien (FF) Minister for Transport, Climate, Energy and Environment. 5/10 Darragh O'Brien, Minister for Transport. Photograph: Alan Betson O'Brien 's worst moment as a member of this Government was a painful reminder from his former department. During the election campaign, he and other ministers insisted housing completions in 2024 would be close to 40,000. In reality, they were closer to 30,000. The Fianna Fáil TD has a sprawling portfolio extending across two departments. It's no surprise that his priorities are different from those of his predecessor, former Green Party leader Eamon Ryan. So, already there is more leaning into roads, aviation (specifically, lifting the passenger cap in Dublin Airport) and the expansion of data centres. There is still emphasis on public transport, not least the long-promised Metro, Dart, Luas and Bus Connects, the first route of which was approved this week. His record will rest on delivery and that's going to take time. He is a fast talker – and sometimes accused of flannelling – but is an underrated Minister.


Irish Times
38 minutes ago
- Irish Times
Brian Rowan: the ‘long and difficult journey' to decommissioning in the North
My anxious wait was for the post from Helsinki ; for the brown padded envelope to arrive, to be able to look inside and find a printout of a diary entry from one day in September 2005. It was sent to me by Aaro Suonio, the former chef de cabinet of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (the IICD), the body that oversaw paramilitary disarmament after the Troubles . It arrived last month, the day before I was to sign off on the latest phase of an archive project I am developing with The Open University in Ireland . I knew there would be little reading in the correspondence. Forty of the 52 lines in the diary entry were redacted by Suonio, and what had been left to read was written in Finnish. The day in question – September 25th, 2005 – was one of those key signposts in a phase of the Northern Ireland peace process that was about dismantling the wars. READ MORE Suonio himself was not in the fields of rural Ireland with the IICD, church witnesses and the IRA as weapons, explosives and ammunition were put beyond use between September 17th and 25th that year. He was in Dublin waiting for colleagues to return and to plan a news conference for the next day, September 26th, at which the commission chairman – Canadian general John de Chastelain – with the late Fr Alec Reid and the former Methodist president Harold Good would speak to what they had witnessed. The arrangements for that news conference – in Finnish – are all that Suonio left for me to read in his diary . Decades later, the 40 redacted lines speak loudly of the secrecy that still applies to IRA decommissioning; and to an agreement on confidentiality that has not been breached. In the peace process, context is everything. The path to September 2005 was made two months earlier when the IRA formally ended its armed campaign, in a statement on July 28th, 20 years ago this week . Back then I was a BBC correspondent in Belfast. Months later I left that post with a sense of being weighed down by the responsibility that comes with reporting a long transition from conflict to peace, especially when you live in that conflict. Former chef de cabinet of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning Aaro Suonio and extracts from his diary. Forty of the 52 lines in the diary entry were redacted by Suonio, and what had been left to read was written in Finnish. Photographs: Brian Rowan personal archive for The Open University The heavy files I have kept are a constant reminder of that responsibility: thousands of notes, statements, diary entries, tape transcripts and reports that I am sharing with The Open University. For me, it is a deliberate shedding of the load; of memories and records that relate to moments when this place lived and died. I have been revisiting the years 2005-2010. We often highlight the 1994 ceasefires and the Belfast Agreement of 1998 as the headline period in the peace process. But my recent reading as part of this archive project made me pauseto rethink and to consider the five-year stretch from 2005 as even more significant: That end to the IRA armed campaign; The move by the British army to a peacetime garrison; The guns – IRA and loyalist – that were put beyond use; Sinn Féin's first, tentative steps into the North's new policing structures; And, at Stormont, the remarkable coming together of a government in which Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness had the lead roles. These were the years and the moments that confirmed the wars were over. In April 2005, Gerry Adams, then Sinn Féin president, made a speech in which he publicly asked the IRA: 'Can you take courageous initiatives which will achieve your aims by purely political and democratic activity?' [ Full text of speech by Sinn Féin's Gerry Adams Opens in new window ] There was a view at the time that Adams would not have asked such a question without being confident of the answer; that, before speaking, he would have known the mind of the IRA leadership. That speech was the beginning of the end of the IRA campaign. It created a framework for an internal debate, that would move it beyond ceasefires and towards the statement of July 28th, 2005. It was read to camera by the Belfast republican Séanna Walsh, one of the longest-serving IRA prisoners in the conflict period. One week ago, he spoke of being 'a wee bit taken aback' when asked to read the statement, and about being nervous. In July this year, he gave me a handwritten reflection as a contribution to my archive work: 'The political and peace process had reached a critical juncture. Marking time wasn't, isn't an option. So, initiatives have to continuously be taken to move us forward ... For the army [the IRA] to leave the stage it had to do so on its own terms, therefore in moving into a new era we had to do so boldly. The reading of the statement was a part of all that.' That it was done to camera was something new, and it was to maximise impact. In the conflict years, many IRA statements were dictated to me or given to me, often in face-to-face meetings far away from any camera. Séanna Walsh, pictured by MT Hurson, was one of the longest-serving IRA prisoners in the conflict period: and a handwritten reflection he gave to Brian Rowan. Photographs: Brian Rowan personal archive for The Open University Communicating in peace demanded a different approach and placed Séanna Walsh on the most public of stages; there to be seen and heard in this moment of world news – on one of those days and dates that stand out in our recent history. Handwritten notes of a hundred words or so are a thread in the pattern of this archive; a conscious decision on my part to bring something out of fashion back into style. Today, nearly every communication is a text or a message or an email. But when we are asked to write with pens it brings out something that is more real and challenging. I read this across the various contributions, including from the British army's former chief press officer at Thiepval Barracks in Lisburn, Mervyn Wynne Jones. Two days after the IRA statement of July 2005, a briefing from him – under embargo for 48 hours – helped me to better understand the purpose of the negotiations at that time. They were not about trying to re-establish the political institutions at Stormont. There was no chance of doing so in the summer of that year or, indeed, throughout 2006. Rather, the focus was on dismantling the wars. The army spokesman described a starting pistol being fired on 'normalisation', and a significant basket of measures, including a phased two-year ending of 'Banner' – the longest-running operation in British military history, in support of the police in Northern Ireland. This included a plan to disband the home service battalions of the Royal Irish Regiment. The unionists heard it in my BBC news reports on August 1st. They were not in the loop, and the army spokesman had correctly predicted an 'earthquake' when the story ran. The negotiations involved the Sinn Féin leadership, Downing Street, the British ministry of defence and the Northern Ireland Office. Twenty years later, Mervyn Wynne Jones writes about something seismic that needed sensitive handling: 'There was a steadfast and perhaps hopeful logic to it all, but there was a keen awareness too of decades of turmoil, pain and raw emotion across all communities, not least among the courageous men and women, past and present, of the home service battalions.' Within weeks, that 'earthquake' he predicted sent tremors through the peace. A note from Mervyn Wynne Jones, the British army's former chief press officer at Thiepval Barracks in Lisburn. Photograph: Brian Rowan personal archive for The Open University An Orange parade in Belfast was rerouted, and a day of mayhem followed with loyalists firing live rounds at police officers and soldiers. It was the manifestation of a sense of losing in the peace, of being on the outside, as the UK government – 'their' government – negotiated an end to the IRA war. Had it wanted to, the IRA could have used that convulsion within the loyalist community, that threat to the peace, to delay its decommissioning plans, but it chose not to. In his handwritten note for the archive, Aaro Suonio describes 'a quiet and profound sense of relief'. 'It had been a long and difficult journey and now, finally, the weapons were verifiably gone ... But my thoughts also turned to the loyalist groups. They hadn't believed this day would come. Now the burden of reciprocation was theirs.' Harold Good, one of two church witnesses alongside Fr Reid, writes on events 'which brought to an end the dark and fear-filled days and nights of terror which blighted our beloved land for almost four decades'. The loyalists waited, delaying that 'reciprocation' and response for four and more years. But now we have a little more detail about their acts of decommissioning that stretched from the summer of 2009 into the cold, early days of 2010. In 2006 the UVF told me from behind a balaclava that 'decommissioning is not a word that we use in our vocabulary'. But it eventually made a significant arms move in June 2009. Months earlier, those plans were almost derailed when dissident IRA organisations murdered two soldiers and a police officer. Veteran Belfast loyalist Jackie McDonald photographed by MT Hurson; the note he gave Brian Rowan on his involvement in the UDA decommissioning; and the front page of The Loyalist magazine from 2010. Photographs: Brian Rowan personal archive for The Open University There were two parts to UDA decommissioning – June 2009 and January 2010 – at which the veteran Belfast loyalist Jackie McDonald was present. He writes for the archive about how General de Chastelain invited him 'to help use the electric saw to cut up a few machine guns'; something he did with 'mixed feelings, but the time was right for them to be destroyed'. At the time, the magazine – The Loyalist – had a front-page headline: UDA 'has decommissioned all weapons'. It was a big statement, but it was an overselling of what happened. No organisation – IRA, UVF, UDA – put all of its weapons beyond use. Trust is a process, as is peace, and in this place, the road away from conflict is a long one. My archive also records the headline moment of Sinn Féin stepping into the new policing structures in the North; something that required an IRA convention to clear the way before the vote at a special Sinn Féin ardfheis in January 2007. [ Sinn Féin endorses PSNI by overwhelming majority Opens in new window ] In the British intelligence community this is considered to be the 'landmark event'; more important than the ceasefires, the statement ending the armed campaign and the weapons that were put beyond use. The policing decision, more than anything else, was the confirmation that the war was over. Yet, there is a huge contradiction in that assessment, that we see in the British Security Service MI5 headquarters outside Belfast – likened at the time by the former Policing Board member Brendan Duddy to the building of an air raid shelter after the war was over. Why is that MI5 building and presence still needed? And why, more than 30 years after the original ceasefires, have we not yet been able to find a process to answer the questions of the past? The Patten Report on police reforms dates back to 1999. It was silent on legacy. 'Did Patten envisage an under-resourced, overstretched police service unsure of itself and poisoned by the past?' asks Debbie Watters, a former vice chair of the Northern Ireland Policing Board, in a handwritten note. Similarly, SDLP leader Claire Hanna writes: '26 years on from the Patten Report is the right moment for a clear eye on what is working, what is not, and how we sustain the promise and progress of the new beginning to policing.' The Sinn Féin vote for policing in 2007 is what made the agreement on a new Stormont executive possible; that government in which Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness had the lead roles. But politics in the North is still a work in progress, and like policing it is poisoned by an unanswered past. As I develop this archive with The Open University, my plans are for chapters on those complex issues of legacy, the troubled politics of peace and leadership. I am working with creative designer Ciarán Hurson, whose earlier contributions in this project have been included in Ireland's prestigious ' 100 Archive '. On the work so far, The Open University's director in Ireland, John D'Arcy said: 'It offers fresh insight into the years that followed the IRA's disarmament – a time of immense complexity and quiet transformation. 'It builds on The Open University's commitment to open access to knowledge and understanding ... We hope this latest work will inform public dialogue, education and reflection for years to come.' Former Westminster MP Lady Sylvia Hermon reminds us of the importance of leaders and of how quickly they can be discarded. Citing the example of the late David Trimble, former Ulster Unionist Party leader, she said: 'Without Trimble's courageous and inspirational leadership we would not have had the Agreement in 1998. Yet, in 2005, he lost his Westminster seat and resigned as leader of the UUP.' [ Trimble to resign after electoral meltdown Opens in new window ] Trimble is one of many who helped change this place – one of many no longer with us. In today's world, we watch as power and ego masquerade as leadership. We think also of the international support that helped end the so-called Troubles, and made the peace of this place possible. Today, Gaza and its people need that same help, and my question is this: Where have all the leaders gone? Brian Rowan is a former BBC correspondent in Belfast and an author on the peace process, including of the books Political Purgatory and Living with Ghosts . His personal archive is on Open Learn , the free learning hub of The Open University. The latest contribution is here .


Irish Times
38 minutes ago
- Irish Times
Barack Obama ‘should receive no welcome in Ireland': freedom of Dublin debate reopens
History is repeating itself in Dublin's City Hall. In 2017, a proposal to award the freedom of the capital to former US president Barack Obama and his wife Michelle faced some opposition before being approved by 30 to 23 votes. It had been proposed by then lord mayor Brendan Carr, of Labour, who cited the Democrat's Irish roots and support for peace in Northern Ireland, shortly after Obama was succeeded by Donald Trump. While he did not wish to 'canonise the Obamas' or declare his presidency 'a success', Carr said Obama was a 'stabilising and moderating' influence on US foreign policy. 'A similar era, unfortunately, will not be experienced again for some time,' he said. Eight years on, Trump is having a destabilising start to his second term, and debate about awarding the Obamas the freedom of the city has resumed. Dublin's Lord Mayor Ray McAdam, of Fine Gael, has written to the couple suggesting they accept the award in late September when visiting the city for a sold-out event at the 3Arena, An Evening with President Barack Obama, In Conversation with Fintan O'Toole . People Before Profit councillor Conor Reddy urged McAdam to withdraw the invite. 'Obama is just as complicit in the [Gaza] genocide and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians as his successors – Biden and Trump,' he said. 'For this reason alone, he should receive no welcome in Ireland.' Reddy and his colleague Hazel De Nortúin say they will bring an 'emergency motion' to September's council meeting calling for the award to be revoked should McAdam opt to proceed. Druid seeks new chief executive as it plans for next 50 years Anneliese Davidsen is leaving her role as Druid theatre company's as executive director in the autumn. Photograph: Druid Are you an energetic and results driven self-starter who can balance creative risk with sound financial management? Really? Well, there's a job going that might work for you. Druid Theatre Company is seeking a chief executive to succeed Anneliese Davidsen, who is stepping down as executive director this autumn and switching Galway for London after less than two years. In that time, Druid said, Davidsen delivered 'record-breaking national tours' of Sean O'Casey's The Shadow of a Gunman and Three Short Comedies; and won five-star ratings for productions of The House by Tom Murphy, Macbeth, and Samuel Beckett's Endgame. 'She leaves the company in great shape as it celebrates its 50th anniversary,' said Adrian O'Neill, chairman of the Druid board. Druid's production of Endgame by Samuel Beckett received five-star reviews. Photograph: Ros Kavanagh A post on the company's website says the new chief executive 'will join Druid at a time of great success' and when planning is under way for its '2026 programme and the next 50 years'. A separate job advert says responsibilities will include cultivating a culture of 'excellence in every aspect of the organisation' and ensuring Druid's purpose is 'inspiring, ambitious and clear'. Sensibly enough, a background and interest in the performing arts and 'a good understanding of, and empathy for, Druid and its vision' are desirable. A passion for and knowledge of the arts scene in Galway, and nationally, is preferable. A fixed five-year term contract and 'a competitive salary reflecting the significance of the position' are on offer. Good luck to the candidates, or should that be break a leg? Kevin 'Boxer' Moran in flood water in Athlone, Co Westmeath. Photograph: Brian Lawless/PA Wire Kevin 'General Custer' Moran faces exhausting trip to Kerry As someone based near the river Shannon, Minister of State for the Office of Public Works Kevin 'Boxer' Moran knows his onions when it comes to flooding. In early 2020 he posted a video of himself topless in a pair of waders in Athlone helping to connect a pump in an attempt to combat rising waters in Athlone. 'That's it – job done. I'm drowned f***ing wet though,' he says. 'I nearly got sick with the smell of it ... There's one sure thing, she won't kiss me tonight anyway.' Got a bit wet this morning trying to get a pump going down at the back of Parnell Square, no spare set of clothes but the people are protected that's the main thing. — Kevin 'Boxer' Moran (@kevinboxermoran) Kerry Fianna Fáil TD Michael Cahill was hoping for a sympathetic ear before the Dáil recess when he asked Moran if he would provide funding to tackle erosion and flooding in 10 places including his own 'neck of the woods', Rossbeigh, where there 'are huge problems'. Moran said the Government had committed €81 million for flood relief schemes in Kerry, naming several places, but Rossbeigh was not among them. 'Other areas in Kerry also need coastal protection works, for example, Waterville and my local beach in Rossbeigh,' Cahill pointedly replied. Moran again omitted mention of Rossbeigh in his next response, but he empathised and promised to visit Kerry, including the areas mentioned by Cahill. 'For many of the people affected, the Minister of State is General Custer making his last stand,' Cahill said. Leas-Cheann Comhairle John McGuinness said he feared that by the time the Minister of State 'finished that tour of Kerry' he might too 'exhausted' to make it to his own constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny. 'I will ask my line manager if he will organise a helicopter because I have had so many requests today that I will be flying,' Moran replied. Declan Ganley. Photograph: Cyril Byrne Chatbot laps up Ganley's alternative to solar power Businessman Declan Ganley , who has reportedly sounded out Oireachtas members about supporting a presidential run, is no stranger to a campaign. He opposed the Lisbon Treaty in 2008, an effort that succeeded for a while; came close to winning a European Parliament seat in 2009 under the Libertas banner; and spoke out against repealing the Eighth Amendment in 2018. More recently, he has railed against plans for a huge solar project near his Co Galway home. Power Capital Renewable Energy, a French-backed Irish firm, is preparing plans for what would be Ireland's largest solar farm/battery storage facility over hundreds of acres between Abbeyknockmoy and Monivea. Local opponents argue it would threaten local food production, biodiversity and rural heritage and Ganley has been using his X social media account to publicise his concerns about 'Absentee SolarLords' burying part of the parish under 'a desert of black glass'. 'The mobilisation of local resistance is unlike anything I have seen in my 30 years in this village,' he wrote. Ever the entrepreneur, Ganley then started a conversation with Grok, X's AI chatbot, about a patent for a tidal power system that has been 'sitting in my drawer of inventions since 2007'. 'Impressive patent, Declan,' Grok said. 'I was going to build a prototype but had too much else going on,' Ganley replied. 'Understandable – life gets busy…,' Grok added. The lengthy back and forth ended with Grok writing a letter to 'The Irish Government' saying Ganley's tidal patent would be 'superior to solar in reliability, impact, and long-term value'. If only convincing a planning authority, or an electorate, were so easy.