
Is This Supreme Court Case About Birthright Citizenship? Yes and No.
But the legal question before the justices is actually much narrower.
For now, the justices have been asked to look only at the legality of the nationwide pauses, which are called national injunctions, that are blocking President Trump's executive order that would end birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants and some temporary foreign residents.
A case focused on the policy itself — whether the 14th Amendment of the Constitution requires birthright citizenship for children born on American soil — could come later, but lawsuits challenging the policy are still at early stages in federal trial courts.
The constitutionality of Mr. Trump's executive order may well come up, along with the practicality of allowing patchwork citizenship rules in different states should the justices decide that national injunctions are not allowed.
But the bulk of the argument Thursday from three lawyers — the U.S. solicitor general, D. John Sauer; the New Jersey solicitor general; and a lawyer arguing on behalf of immigrant advocacy groups and individuals — is expected to concern the legality of injunctions, and whether a single federal judge can issue an order temporarily freezing a policy for the entire country.
Nationwide injunctions have been a contentious subject for years. The tool has been used under both Democratic and Republican administrations.
Although the Supreme Court has yet to issue a ruling that squarely addresses nationwide injunctions, some of the conservative justices have expressed skepticism that federal courts can block policies for the entire country.
Justice Neil M. Gorsuch, in an opinion in 2020, criticized injunctions of ''nationwide,' 'universal' or 'cosmic' scope,' writing that such 'patently unworkable' rulings were 'sowing chaos.'
In a dissent in an emergency application in March, Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. criticized 'the unchecked power' of a district judge who had ordered the State Department to release roughly $2 billion to contractors for the U.S. Agency for International Development. Justices Gorsuch, Clarence Thomas and Brett M. Kavanaugh joined him.
In a friend-of-the-court brief, Mila Sohoni, a law professor at Stanford who has published law review articles arguing that such injunctions are constitutional, argued that nationwide injunctions were the best way to keep the status quo in place while lower court challenges proceed, preventing a patchwork of policies.
Opponents say these injunctions give far too much power to a single judge and improperly thwart national policies. The West Virginia attorney general's office, in a friend-of-the-court brief, argued that 'broad injunctions like those seen here invite all sorts of mischief' and are an improper overreach of federal courts that comes 'at the expense of state power.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
26 minutes ago
- Yahoo
After House Republicans ignored her appeals, Lisa Murkowski's vote looks even worse
Three Senate Republicans balked at their party's domestic policy megabill — the inaptly named One Big Beautiful Bill Act — but opponents of the far-right package needed a fourth. They thought Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska would rescue the nation from the consequences of the radical legislation, but GOP leaders offered a series of carve-outs and schemes that would help shield her home state from the effects of the party's agenda. But after Murkowski cast the deciding vote, she did something unexpected. In fact, she took two unexpected steps. First, the Alaskan trashed the reconciliation package shortly after voting for it, which was every bit as odd as it sounds. 'Do I like this bill? No,' she told NBC News. The senator added, by way of social media: '[L]et's not kid ourselves. ... While we have worked to improve the present bill for Alaska, it is not good enough for the rest of our nation — and we all know it.' Second, Murkowski effectively asked the Republican-led House not to pass the bill she had just voted for. 'My sincere hope is that this is not the final product,' she wrote online. 'This bill needs more work across chambers and is not ready for the president's desk. We need to work together to get this right.' That came on the heels of related comments the GOP senator made to reporters on Capitol Hill. 'We do not have a perfect bill by any stretch of the imagination. My hope is that the House is going to look at this and recognize that we're not there yet.' Not only did House Republican leaders ignore Murkowski's appeals, they never even considered the possibility. Politico reported: House GOP holdouts who wanted a last-minute rewrite of President Donald Trump's megabill never had a chance, Majority Leader Steve Scalise said in an interview Thursday. 'For a long time, there were members that really thought there was a chance the bill was going to get opened up again to amendment,' the Louisiana Republican said as the House neared a final vote on the bill. 'It became clear from the president's meeting at the White House to further conversations later that, for all the back and forth, you know, the bill's closed, there's going to be no more amendments to the bill.' And that, of course, makes Murkowski's decision look even worse. The Alaska Republican not only had an opportunity to derail the most regressive proposal in at least a generation, she also had an opportunity to use her considerable leverage to make it better. Instead, Murkowski passed the buck, hoping the House might help clean up the mess. These misguided wishes led her to vote for a bill that, by her own admission, 'is not good enough' for the nation and 'not ready' to be signed into law. Too many GOP lawmakers somehow convinced themselves that the party's megabill had real merit and would deliver great results. Murkowski, however, knew better — and she chose to advance it anyway. History will not be kind. This article was originally published on


Politico
27 minutes ago
- Politico
Judges are still broadly blocking Trump policies despite the Supreme Court's injunction ruling
Moss, an Obama appointee, emphasized that his decision was not one of the now-verboten injunctions. Instead, it relied on two alternative routes the Supreme Court acknowledged remained available for those challenging Trump's policies: class actions, which allow large groups to band together and sue over a common problem, and the Administrative Procedure Act, a federal law that permits courts to 'set aside' federal agency actions that violate the law, including rules, regulations and memos laying out new procedures. The ruling by Moss drew intense outrage from the Trump administration, which accused the judge of going 'rogue' and violating the Supreme Court's intentions. Hours later, U.S. District Judge John Bates, a George W. Bush appointee, ordered federal health officials to restore hundreds of web pages containing gender-related data that officials took down pursuant to a Trump executive order cracking down on 'gender ideology.' He described the move as an example of federal officials 'acting first and thinking later.' Despite the nationwide implications of his ruling, Bates emphasized that the APA allows courts to effectively undo unjustified agency action, adding that even the Justice Department did 'not argue that more tailored relief is even possible here, let alone appropriate.' The judge also left open the possibility that officials could go back to the drawing board and find a lawful way to restrict content related to so-called 'gender ideology.' And in Massachusetts, Reagan-appointed U.S. District Judge William Young was careful to emphasize that his expansive ruling restoring health research grants — cut following the same executive order cited by Bates — was nonetheless tailored only to provide relief to the organizations that sued. Like Bates, Young's ruling relied on the APA. 'Public officials, in their haste to appease the Executive, simply moved too fast and broke things,' Young wrote. In short, the Supreme Court's ruling on nationwide injunctions may be the tectonic shift that wasn't. Despite the extraordinary potential to reshape the judiciary, its immediate impact — particularly in the innumerable challenges to Trump's effort to single-handedly slash and reshape the federal government — may be limited.


Washington Post
28 minutes ago
- Washington Post
Lawmakers split after House passes Trump's megabill
Politics Lawmakers split after House passes Trump's megabill July 3, 2025 | 8:18 PM GMT Lawmakers reacted to the House sending the massive tax and spending bill to the White House on July 3, a huge legislative victory for President Donald Trump.