logo
'Misogyny and against transformation': Nkabane after budget rejection

'Misogyny and against transformation': Nkabane after budget rejection

TimesLIVE4 days ago
Higher education minister Nobuhle Nkabane has accused political parties of misogyny and resisting transformation after her department's budget was rejected in the National Council of Provinces on Tuesday.
The budget vote was rejected by political parties including the DA and EFF, with some MPs accusing her of failing to lead the department.
Nkabane said the rejection would affect the transformation of the post-school education and training sector.
'It's a pity and unfortunate that we are witnessing some MPs not accepting and adopting the budget,' she said.
'Those who reject the budget are rejecting the transformation of the post-school education and training sector. They are not rejecting the budget of Nobuhle Nkabane. This is not the budget of Nobuhle Nkabane. This is the budget of the people of South Africa.
'When you are against transformation it irritates a lot when you see such a young woman leading such a huge ministry in your presence. It's misogyny. I understand it, I know where it's coming from, and worse when it's a black woman.'
Nkabane has been embroiled in controversy over the appointment of Sector Education and Training Authority (Seta) board chairpersons. The DA laid criminal charges against her for allegedly 'lying' to parliament about the appointment process. Some MPs and the South African Students Congress have called for her immediate removal.
The EFF's Laetitia Arries said Nkabane failed to account for the appointments and address issues faced by students in universities.
'You have failed to lead the nation to the realisation of adequate higher education,' Arries said.
'You have failed to account for appointments that are glaring examples of political patronage, where state institutions intended to empower youth and workers are turning into ANC deployment zones for cadres and family members of the ruling elite.'
Despite the criticism, Nkabane emphasised her department's commitment to rooting out corruption, highlighting plans to terminate contracts with four fintech companies and end a lease agreement in the Western Cape, which would save R2.5m.
She said the EFF should have supported the budget to help address issues faced by the department.
'The sad part of it is that now they are not supporting the budget. My question, I am asking myself, is how we are going to address those issues that have been raised?'
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Why DA appoints independent civil servants like Mettler, and why ANC wants him removed?
Why DA appoints independent civil servants like Mettler, and why ANC wants him removed?

IOL News

timean hour ago

  • IOL News

Why DA appoints independent civil servants like Mettler, and why ANC wants him removed?

History might be repeating itself in the City of Tshwane, where Johann Mettler now works as municipal manager, says Cilliers Brink Image: Jacques Naude / Independent Newspapers One of the reasons that so many municipalities collapse is that so few of them hire competent professionals as municipal managers (MMs). A MM is the chief executive of a municipality. Unlike the mayor, an MM is not meant to be a politician. The skillset of a good MM is different to that of a good mayor. For local government to work, you need both. Each has to stay in their respective lanes, supporting the other, and not competing for political power. A good mayor, and there are far too few of them, too, will soon realise the impossibility of delivering on your election promises without the help of a good MM. That is what makes Johann Mettler such a rare creature. A giant of a man, he speaks little but works hard. You'll find him at the office at 7:00 AM, and often long after the sun has set. He grew up on the Cape Flats during apartheid, qualified as a lawyer, and took his first job in government when South Africa became a democracy. In 1998, he was part of the team that drafted the White Paper on Local Government. He is probably one of the most experienced local government practitioners still working. What makes him truly exceptional is that he wears no party political colours. In a local government sector dominated by recycled politicians, this also makes him highly vulnerable. All the same, Mettler is usually in high demand to fix broken municipalities. He has worked with DA mayors, but he has also been headhunted by ANC ministers. That's what happened in 2015 when he was appointed to lead the national government intervention in Nelson Mandela Bay. The details of that story are told by Chippy Olver in his book 'How to steal a city'. In Olver's otherwise vexing cast of characters, Mettler is one of the good guys. When the ANC lost control in the Bay in 2016, he was rehired as MM by a DA coalition. At the time, the mayor was Athol Trollip, now ActionSA's parliamentary leader. The irony of this will become obvious later. In 2018, Trollip was toppled as mayor when one of his coalition partners switched sides to the ANC. Even though Mettler had been brought to the Bay under an erstwhile ANC mayor, he soon became an immovable object to the irresistible force represented by the new ANC coalition. The Coalition of Corruption, as the DA branded them, spent a fortune of taxpayers' money to get rid of Mettler. And he spent a great deal of his own money to defend himself. But he did get away with his reputation intact, while one of his former persecutors, Mayor Mongameli Bobani, was later implicated in fraud and corruption (Bobani died of Covid-19 before the matter could proceed). History might be repeating itself in the City of Tshwane, where Mettler now works as MM. He got the Tshwane job in September 2022, a few months after the city emerged from a prolonged period of administration under the Gauteng provincial government. Aside from an unstable coalition and what would turn out to be an adverse audit opinion for the year preceding his appointment, Mettler also inherited an enormous ANC-induced operating deficit. This led to the city falling behind on its payments to Eskom. In my own 18-month stint as mayor, Mettler and I worked hard to turn the city around, a job that I have to stress is not yet done. Similar to Athol Trollip in Nelson Mandela Bay, I was turned out of office as mayor in September last year after my coalition partners decided to join an ANC coalition. The irony was that the coalition partner who rebalanced the forces in the ANC's favour is Trollip's new party, ActionSA. In exchange for getting rid of a DA mayor, an ActionSA councillor now gets to wear the mayoral chain. But there is little doubt where the real power lies. As before, the non-political Mettler is seen by the ANC as a threat to whatever they plan to do in Tshwane. In meetings I had with the ANC in my last weeks as mayor, they had made clear to me that they did not want Mettler as MM. They said that they would prefer a Tshwane local as MM. But what I suspect they want is someone who will withdraw the case against five city officials implicated in awarding an irregular tender to a consortium with links to ANC benefactor Edwin Sodi. That project, the upgrade of Rooiwal Wastewater Treatment Plant, was set back years because Sodi's people did not have the qualifications and experience to finish the job. The business interests of ANC deputy mayor Eugene Bonzo Modise and ANC regional secretary George Matjila can fill an article of their own. Let's just say the ANC would prefer an MM in Tshwane who is less concerned about doing things by the book. And so, Matjila is now on record as suggesting that when Mettler was appointed as MM in September 2022, the right processes weren't followed. This is, as far as the DA is concerned, a legal absurdity. If this is the pretext for moving against Mettler, our lawyers will be on call. In the meantime, what has happened to the likes of Mettler is a major chapter in the story of the decline of South African towns and cities. Let's make sure that this time the good guys win. Cilliers Brink is the DA Tshwane Caucus Leader

Principled protest or performative politics? The DA's budget vote and the real risks to higher education
Principled protest or performative politics? The DA's budget vote and the real risks to higher education

Daily Maverick

time9 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

Principled protest or performative politics? The DA's budget vote and the real risks to higher education

On 3 July 2025, Parliament debated and voted on the budget allocation for the Department of Higher Education and Training. At face value, it was a routine step in the national fiscal calendar. In reality, it became a stage for a high-stakes political performance — one in which the Democratic Alliance (DA), a key player in the newly formed Government of National Unity (GNU), chose to oppose the Higher Education budget vote, citing Minister Nobuhle Nkabane's alleged misconduct in Sector Education and Training Authority (Seta) appointments and misrepresentation to Parliament. The DA's decision may appear principled. After all, allegations of dishonesty in the appointment of public officials are serious and should be investigated with the gravity they deserve. But when weighed against its broader actions — supporting the Appropriation Bill, backing the Divisions of Revenue Bill, and remaining firmly embedded in the GNU — its opposition begins to look more like a carefully choreographed act than a genuine stand for accountability. A convenient dissonance This dissonance is at the heart of the matter. The DA claims it cannot, in good conscience, support a budget administered by a minister it deems untrustworthy. Yet it supports the very bills that enable that same budget to exist. It lays criminal charges, stages high-profile appearances at police stations, and calls for dismissals — all while continuing to co-govern with the very figures it accuses. It denounces cadre deployment but offers little clarity on how it would democratise governance without retreating into technocracy. In a rare and probably never to be seen moment of striking clarity, EFF MP Sihle Lonzi captured the contradiction during the parliamentary debate succinctly: the DA was not voting against the budget for moral reasons — it was engaging in political theatre. It wanted to protest against the firing of its own deputy minister more than it wanted to reform the education system. This is not to diminish the need for transparency or integrity in higher education governance. If our minister misled Parliament or failed to act within ethical and procedural norms, she must account. The principle of accountability must apply equally and without political convenience. But it is precisely because of the gravity of these principles that they should not be deployed as tactical weapons in what has become a rapidly unravelling unity experiment. The real stakes: students, workers and institutions What gets lost in this posturing are the very real consequences for students, workers, and institutions. The 2025/26 budget vote allocated: R96-billion to universities. R14-billion to Technical and Vocational Education and Training colleges. 7-billion to the National Student Financial Aid Scheme — supporting millions of poor and working-class students. It included resources to refurbish Giyani College, build new campuses in mining towns, and expand Centres of Specialisation in TVETs. It committed funds for student housing, campus safety, and infrastructure upgrades in a sector strained by overcrowding, underfunding, and social unrest. Opposing this budget, not for its content but to symbolically target the minister, is not just disingenuous — it is dangerous. It delays service delivery, unsettles institutions already grappling with instability, and undermines the very transformation the DA claims to support. And it does so without offering a credible alternative. Is the DA suggesting that the budget be collapsed and re-tabled under another minister? That students be denied allowances until the political clean-up is complete? That Technical and Vocational Education and Training expansions wait until internal GNU tensions are resolved? This is the risk of performative opposition: it prioritises narrative over necessity. Judicial luxuries and democratic realities There's also a class dimension to this moment. Helen Zille's symbolic march to the police station, dragging her party MP to lay charges, was intended to show resolve. But it also unintentionally revealed a deep inequality in access to justice. How many of the students who rely on this budget have the same legal recourse? How many workers on underfunded campuses can march their grievances into the same institutions with the same certainty of being heard? The DA's self-image as a party of clean governance must confront this paradox: the performance of moral superiority can, at times, obscure the impact of its own decisions. Opposing a budget that funds student meals, campus safety, housing, and worker wages cannot be the righteous act it is presented to be. From symbolism to substance If the DA wishes to be taken seriously as a party of national leadership, it must learn to distinguish between principled dissent and symbolic sabotage. South Africa needs opposition that strengthens governance, not that undermines service delivery for spectacle. It must not fall into the trap of simple-minded populism: governing with one hand while campaigning with the other. At the same time, the GNU cannot become a fragile house of mirrors — one where parties selectively engage depending on which faction is being challenged. Unity must not mean uniformity, but nor can it survive hypocrisy. If this coalition is to endure and serve the nation meaningfully, its members must honour both accountability and responsibility. There is space for critique, investigation, and reform — but there is no space for empty performance when the stakes are this high. There is no theatre more dangerous than that which mistakes its script for reality. South Africa's higher education system is not a stage — it is a lifeline. It deserves more than posturing. It deserves principled, pragmatic governance. That is what students, workers, and our national development agenda demand. Anything less is a betrayal. DM

Steenhuisen stands by DA's decision to pull out of upcoming National Dialogue
Steenhuisen stands by DA's decision to pull out of upcoming National Dialogue

Eyewitness News

time20 hours ago

  • Eyewitness News

Steenhuisen stands by DA's decision to pull out of upcoming National Dialogue

Democratic Alliance (DA) Leader John Steenhuisen has described former president Thabo Mbeki's assertion that all Government of National Unity (GNU) parties must take part in the National Dialogue as disingenuous, given that Mbeki only consulted the ANC when the coalition government was being set up. In his reply to Mbeki's open letter, where the former president questioned the DA's decision to pull out of the dialogue, Steenhuisen defended his party's stance. The DA withdrew from the process last month after Andrew Whitfield was fired as Deputy Minister for Trade, Industry and Competition. The party's withdrawal has sparked criticism from several quarters, with Mbeki questioning why the DA forms part of the GNU if it refuses to engage in such initiatives. In his open letter, Mbeki discloses that he advised the ANC National Executive Committee (NEC) on launching a National Dialogue and how it should be structured. Replying to this letter, Steenhuisen argues this reinforces the DA's concern that the dialogue is nothing more than an ANC electioneering tool ahead of next year's municipal elections. He further highlights that the DA and other parties were neither consulted nor given the courtesy of sharing an opinion before the idea was put forward. For these reasons, Steenhuisen says there is no justification for the DA to join what he describes as an expensive ANC talk shop. 'You explain how you attended an ANC National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting sometime after June 2024, where you persuaded the ANC to accept your bona fides as a non-government organizer of this dialogue. You say how you were able to advise the ANC NEC that the larger part of civil society would not attend a national dialogue organized either by the ANC or the GNU. In short, the idea of the national dialogue has been strategized and planned for some time between you and the ANC, with no similar courtesy extended to any other political party in the GNU. This confirms that this national dialogue is a creature of the ANC that has been sprung upon the public with the disingenuous claim it is an 'inclusive' process,' Steenhuisen wrote. With the cost to hold the dialogue projected to exceed R700 million, Steenhuisen insists the DA will not back an initiative which he believes squanders public money.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store