logo
Can Dogecoin Reach $1 in 10 Years?

Can Dogecoin Reach $1 in 10 Years?

A lot of attention deservedly goes to the ongoing artificial intelligence (AI) boom. But investors can't forget another important innovation in the past decade or so, which is the rise of cryptocurrencies and blockchain networks. Love the industry or hate it, the market is valued at $3.3 trillion. So, there's certainly demand.
However, critics will point to how much speculation characterizes the crypto industry. Dogecoin (CRYPTO: DOGE) might be the main culprit of this frenzy. The dog-inspired meme token was originally created as a joke. But now it's the ninth-most valuable crypto, worth $24 billion.
Where to invest $1,000 right now? Our analyst team just revealed what they believe are the 10 best stocks to buy right now. Continue »
In the past 10 years, Dogecoin's price has surged 82,140% higher, despite unnerving bouts of volatility. As of June 26, it trades 78% below its peak from May 2021. Can this token rise 525% to reach $1 in 10 years?
Unpredictable price swings
Casinos are popular partly because of the thrill they provide to gamblers. I suppose the same behavioral aspect can apply to Dogecoin.
The token experiences wild price movements. For instance, it absolutely skyrocketed in November through the first week of December. But it's been a disappointment in 2025. Trying to time the ups and downs is fun for certain market participants.
But this highlights the unpredictable nature of Dogecoin. There are really no fundamental reasons for why the price bounces around like it does. Instead, excitement on social media can control the narrative. And public endorsements by Elon Musk can also work wonders for the token's price.
This enthusiasm can rapidly fade away, though. This makes it all the more difficult to trust Dogecoin as a long-term investment.
The other issue that Dogecoin faces, particularly when it comes to increasing in price, is that there is not a supply cap. As of June 26, there are 150 billion DOGE tokens in circulation. Thanks to its proof-of-work consensus system, 5 billion new tokens are created every year. A rising supply base simply means demand has more catching up to do for the price to go up over time. That's a tough setup.
Pending a major catalyst
Dogecoin might have limited real-world use cases. However, it might be getting a major stamp of approval from the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Multiple spot Dogecoin exchange-traded funds (ETFs) are waiting for the go-ahead. This could bring in lots of capital.
This is exactly what happened with Bitcoin. Since the SEC finally approved spot Bitcoin ETFs on January 10, 2024, the price of the world's leading cryptocurrency is up 133%. These ETFs have amassed tens of billions of dollars in assets under management.
I am confident the Dogecoin ETFs, if approved, won't come anywhere close to Bitcoin's success. But there is certainly upside if this happens, because the SEC would essentially be publicly portraying that Dogecoin is a legitimate financial instrument -- a development I'm sure the vast majority of observers never thought would happen.
Don't expect a 525% rise by 2035
Dogecoin's price is currently $0.16. It would need to increase by 525%, or 20% on an annualized basis, to reach $1 by 2035. I don't think this bullish outcome will occur.
First off, competition is stiff. Investors have plenty of other choices when it comes to meme tokens. If speculation is your thing, there are other, younger cryptos that might be more volatile to trade with.
There are also safer bets such as Bitcoin. The financial services ecosystem that supports Bitcoin continues to expand. This crypto has a hard supply cap of 21 million. And it has deep liquidity and a powerful network effect that Dogecoin can only dream about.
In the past three years, Bitcoin's 398% gain dominates Dogecoin's 140% rise. I believe this trend will continue over the next decade and beyond. Therefore, those expecting the dog token to get to $1 in 10 years, or ever, should temper their expectations.
Should you invest $1,000 in Dogecoin right now?
Before you buy stock in Dogecoin, consider this:
The Motley Fool Stock Advisor analyst team just identified what they believe are the 10 best stocks for investors to buy now… and Dogecoin wasn't one of them. The 10 stocks that made the cut could produce monster returns in the coming years.
Consider when Netflix made this list on December 17, 2004... if you invested $1,000 at the time of our recommendation, you'd have $713,547!* Or when Nvidia made this list on April 15, 2005... if you invested $1,000 at the time of our recommendation, you'd have $966,931!*
Now, it's worth noting Stock Advisor 's total average return is1,062% — a market-crushing outperformance compared to177%for the S&P 500. Don't miss out on the latest top 10 list, available when you join Stock Advisor.
See the 10 stocks »
*Stock Advisor returns as of June 23, 2025
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Trump branded, browbeat and prevailed. But his big bill may come at a political cost
Trump branded, browbeat and prevailed. But his big bill may come at a political cost

CTV News

timean hour ago

  • CTV News

Trump branded, browbeat and prevailed. But his big bill may come at a political cost

President Donald Trump holds a gavel after he signed his signature bill of tax breaks and spending cuts at the White House, Friday, July 4, 2025, in Washington, surrounded by members of Congress. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson) WASHINGTON — Barack Obama had the Affordable Care Act. Joe Biden had the Inflation Reduction Act. U.S. President Donald Trump will have the tax cuts. All were hailed in the moment and became ripe political targets in campaigns that followed. In Trump's case, the tax cuts may almost become lost in the debates over other parts of the multitrillion-dollar bill that Democrats say will force poor Americans off their health care and overturn a decade or more of energy policy. Through persuasion and browbeating, Trump forced nearly all congressional Republicans to line up behind his marquee legislation despite some of its unpalatable pieces. He followed the playbook that had marked his life in business before politics. He focused on branding — labeling the legislation the 'One Big, Beautiful Bill' — then relentlessly pushed to strong-arm it through Congress, solely on the votes of Republicans. But Trump's victory will soon be tested during the 2026 midterm elections where Democrats plan to run on a durable theme: that the Republican president favors the rich on tax cuts over poorer people who will lose their health care. Trump and Republicans argue that those who deserve coverage will retain it. Nonpartisan analysts, however, project significant increases to the number of uninsured. Meanwhile, the GOP's promise that the bill will turbocharge the economy will be tested at a time of uncertainty and trade turmoil. Trump has tried to counter the notion of favoring the rich with provisions that would reduce the taxes for people paid in tips and receiving overtime pay, two kinds of earners who represent a small share of the workforce. Extending the tax cuts from Trump's first term that were set to expire if Congress failed to act meant he could also argue that millions of people would avoid a tax increase. To enact that and other expensive priorities, Republicans made steep cuts to Medicaid that ultimately belied Trump's promise that those on government entitlement programs 'won't be affected.' 'The biggest thing is, he's answering the call of the forgotten people. That's why his No. 1 request was the no tax on tips, the no tax on overtime, tax relief for seniors,' said Rep. Jason Smith, R-Mo., chairman of the tax-writing House Ways and Means Committee. 'I think that's going to be the big impact.' Hard to reap the rewards Presidents have seen their signature legislative accomplishments unraveled by their successors or become a significant political liability for their party in subsequent elections. A central case for Biden's reelection was that the public would reward the Democrat for his legislative accomplishments. That never bore fruit as he struggled to improve his poll numbers driven down by concerns about his age and stubborn inflation. Since taking office in January, Trump has acted to gut tax breaks meant to boost clean energy initiatives that were part of Biden's landmark health care-and-climate bill. Obama's health overhaul, which the Democrat signed into law in March 2010, led to a political bloodbath in the midterms that fall. Its popularity only became potent when Republicans tried to repeal it in 2017. Whatever political boost Trump may have gotten from his first-term tax cuts in 2017 did not help him in the 2018 midterms, when Democrats regained control of the House, or in 2020 when he lost to Biden. 'I don't think there's much if any evidence from recent or even not-so-recent history of the president's party passing a big one-party bill and getting rewarded for it,' said Kyle Kondik, an elections analyst with the nonpartisan University of Virginia's Center for Politics. Social net setbacks Democrats hope they can translate their policy losses into political gains. During an Oval Office appearance in January, Trump pledged he would 'love and cherish Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid.' 'We're not going to do anything with that, other than if we can find some abuse or waste, we'll do something,' Trump said. 'But the people won't be affected. It will only be more effective and better.' That promise is far removed from what Trump and the Republican Party ultimately chose to do, paring back not only Medicaid but also food assistance for the poor to make the math work on their sweeping bill. It would force 11.8 million more people to become uninsured by 2034, according to the Congressional Budget Office, whose estimates the GOP has dismissed. 'In Trump's first term, Democrats in Congress prevented bad outcomes. They didn't repeal the (Affordable Care Act), and we did COVID relief together. This time is different,' said Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii. 'Hospitals will close, people will die, the cost of electricity will go up, and people will go without food.' Some unhappy Republicans Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., repeatedly argued the legislation would lead to drastic coverage losses in his home state and others, leaving them vulnerable to political attacks similar to what Democrats faced after they enacted 'Obamacare.' With his warnings unheeded, Tillis announced he would not run for reelection, after he opposed advancing the bill and enduring Trump's criticism. 'If there is a political dimension to this, it is the extraordinary impact that you're going to have in states like California, blue states with red districts,' Tillis said. 'The narrative is going to be overwhelmingly negative in states like California, New York, Illinois, and New Jersey.' Even Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, who eventually became the decisive vote in the Senate that ensured the bill's passage, said the legislation needed more work and she urged the House to revise it. Lawmakers there did not. Early polling suggests that Trump's bill is deeply unpopular, including among independents and a healthy share of Republicans. White House officials said their own research does not reflect that. So far, it's only Republicans celebrating the victory. That seems OK with the president. In a speech in Iowa after the bill passed, he said Democrats only opposed it because they 'hated Trump.' That didn't bother him, he said, 'because I hate them, too.' Associated Press writer Joey Cappelletti contributed to this report. Seung Min Kim, The Associated Press

How Trump could make Canada better
How Trump could make Canada better

Globe and Mail

time3 hours ago

  • Globe and Mail

How Trump could make Canada better

As obnoxious as he is, Donald Trump may actually be doing Canada some good. His demands are forcing this country to rethink bad ideas, question sacred cows and brace itself for the challenges of the future. Just this week, the U.S. President gave Prime Minister Mark Carney an excuse to jettison a wrong-headed tax on foreign tech giants. Because just about all of those giants are American, Washington has opposed it from the start, under Joe Biden's administration as well as Mr. Trump's. The heaps of money that were to flow to Ottawa from the tax would have come from the pockets of the millions of Canadians who use Amazon, Apple, Google or other digital providers. Higher taxes inevitably mean higher rates for consumers. Mr. Trump refused to continue trade talks with Canada until Ottawa got rid of the tax, which was about to take effect. Mr. Carney duly killed it. A capitulation? No, a sensible concession. Good policy, to boot. I can think of at least three other ways that Mr. Trump's Blame Canada campaign is forcing us to reconsider the way we do things. Start with national defence. Mr. Trump has said for years that Canada and other countries in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization are freeloading off the United States, relying on Washington to keep the Western alliance well armed while scrimping on armaments themselves. To up defence spending, Canada must cut deeper, tax harder and borrow more – all at once It's not your grandfather's war any more, and defence procurement must evolve Canada was one of the worst of the laggards, its rate of spending near the bottom of the pack. By outsourcing our defence to our mighty next-door neighbour, we saved countless billions – money that was freed up for other needs such as hospitals, roads, parks and schools. The generous health care and other social programs that Canadians cherish were in effect underwritten by the U.S. That had to change some time. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine showed how vital it is to keep NATO strong, united and well armed. Now the alliance itself is calling for all members to increase their defence spending dramatically over the next decade. 'For too long, one ally, the United States, carried too much of the burden,' NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said at last month's summit. That is changing, he said, and Mr. Trump 'made this change possible.' That may have been an attempt to feed the ego of the egomaniac in the White House, but it was not wrong. Or consider interprovincial trade. The absurd barriers to the flow of goods, services and labour across Canada have been an issue for decades. Everyone agreed they were absurd. Editorial writers turned blue in the face pointing out their absurdity. Premiers and prime ministers huddled every few years to talk about doing something. Next to nothing actually happened. Try getting one of Quebec's many excellent craft beers in Ontario. Now, at last, we are seeing some progress. The punishing, nonsensical tariffs imposed by Mr. Trump have put a fire under the provinces and the feds. If we cannot have free trade with the United States, we should at least be able to trade freely with each other. Internal free trade by Canada Day? It'll take longer than that Even Canada's system of supply management is getting a second look. Under this Soviet-style scheme, marketing boards, rather than the free market, govern the output of eggs, milk, cheese and poultry. Authorities set minimum prices and impose production quotas. High tariffs on imports of these basic commodities ensure that the cozy little set-up survives. The result for ordinary consumers is far higher prices than they might otherwise pay for simple things such as a brick of cheddar or a carton of yogurt. Mr. Trump attacked the system in his first term and is at it again. He is not alone. Canada's other trading partners complain bitterly about it, too. But the agriculture lobby is so strong, especially in Quebec, that no government has dared to dismantle it. Whether Mr. Carney's will remains to be seen. The recent Throne Speech reaffirmed support for supply management and new legislation attempts to prevent Ottawa from sacrificing it in trade talks. But the system is probably the biggest remaining irritant for Mr. Trump, and Mr. Carney might be forced to make concessions to strike a tariff deal with him. Good. Should we all be giving Mr. Trump a great big cheer, then? Of course not. He is bad for his country, for us and for the world in ways too many to count. He is a bully and blowhard. He has insulted our leaders and threatened our sovereignty. On many issues, pushing back against his demands is the way to go. But some of what he says about the way we do things is right. We do hide under American skirts for our defence. We do coddle our farm producers and hobble foreign competitors. If Canada is to survive the Trumpian onslaught, it must do more than simply put its elbows up and stand strong. It must become more efficient, more productive, more innovative. It must change.

Toronto still struggling to track snow plows with GPS, auditor finds
Toronto still struggling to track snow plows with GPS, auditor finds

CBC

time6 hours ago

  • CBC

Toronto still struggling to track snow plows with GPS, auditor finds

Social Sharing The city's plan to use GPS and field checks to track the work of snow-clearing contractors is still ineffective, Toronto's auditor general found in a new report. The key finding is part of a follow-up review of the city's snow-clearing service, which has been plagued with questions about effectiveness and efficiency, especially after it inked a controversial deal in 2021. Those questions grew louder after Torontonians filed tens of thousands of complaints to 311 in the wake of back-to-back-to-back storms that paralyzed streets this winter. Mayor Olivia Chow, who called last winter's storm response a "failure," is looking forward to reviewing the auditor's latest report, her office said in an emailed statement. "Ultimately, Torontonians expect snow to be cleared — we are going to get it fixed so this doesn't happen again," said Zeus Eden, Chow's press secretary. Auditor Tara Anderson first looked at snow clearing with a damning probe of the service in 2023, which showed the contractors struggled to get equipment on time and hire enough staff. In this follow-up, she found city staff still haven't implemented nine recommendations her office made, despite officials claiming all 30 had been completed. The GPS matter is especially key, her report notes, because it's the primary way the city tracks what work is getting done during a storm and whether it should be applying penalties to the contractors for not getting their plows out on time. "Ongoing GPS dashboard reliability issues hinder the Division's ability to monitor contractor performance," Anderson said in one document. Further, she said, "significant effort is spent manually comparing expected routes with GPS information, which is labour-intensive and time consuming." The auditor's review also shows, for the first time, how much money the city has sought from contractors stemming from performance issues. Anderson found staff are using an "inefficient, unsustainable, and unreliable method" to penalize the companies for non-compliance. Councillors voted in March for a full review of how the city handles its winter operations, which Chow's office said should be released this month. Councillors will first get a chance to ask the auditor questions about this report next Friday. CBC Toronto sent several questions to the transportation services division but did not receive answers by publication time. This story will be updated. New details about how city monitors contractors Some 70 per cent of snow-clearing in Toronto is handled by private companies. In 2021, the city inked a deal that saw two companies and their joint venture win the rights to handle almost all of that work, the only exceptions being the Willowdale area and the Gardiner Expressway and Don Valley Parkway. Three years in, Anderson found there are still issues with tracking the contractors' performance via GPS. Specifically, her new report states the "GPS dashboard used to monitor route completion is still not effective," noting it also suffers from "reliability issues." Multiple city councillors voiced frustration during the March meeting, recounting times where they were told by staff that streets had been plowed when they could see with their own eyes that wasn't the case. In response, transportation staff noted field audits — when staff go out to check on conditions — also take place. However, Anderson's report shows how little ground is covered by those audits and recommended the city use longer street segments to figure out where things are going wrong. The city's field audits, Anderson found, range in length from 60 metres to 1.36 kilometres. In total, she found the city was reviewing just two per cent of the contract area per storm. Worse, about half of those audits were missing "one or more" pieces of information. Penalties far lower than staff had suggested The auditor has previously flagged major changes to how the city penalizes companies, and this report has some final dollar figures. In 2023-2024, the city charged $43,000 in liquidated damages, Anderson found (liquidated damages are an amount of money, agreed to by both sides during a contract negotiation, to be paid out by one of the parties if a provision of that contract is breached). It also charged $381,000 in disincentives. In 2024-2025 (as of January) the city charged $63,000 in liquidated damages and $195,000 in disincentives.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store