How Inequality and Passivity Are Eroding South Africa's Youth Potential and Threatening the 4IR
Image: Andrew Brookes, Connect Images via AFP
There are moments in a nation's journey where silence signals something far deeper than calm. In South Africa today, that silence echoes from households where parents have stopped asking if their children will find work, from classrooms where curiosity has faded into withdrawal and from young people whose eyes reveal exhaustion long before adulthood.
It is Youth Month, yet for millions of young South Africans, there is little to celebrate. We are not simply facing high unemployment. We are facing the slow erosion of youth cognition, confidence and creative capacity. This erosion is driven by inequality, system fatigue and digital passivity. Left unchecked, this quiet crisis will calcify into something far more damaging than joblessness: a generation disengaged from both reality and its own potential.
This is not just a mental health crisis. It is a national development emergency. It threatens to sabotage South Africa's Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) ambitions before they begin.
In a society as unequal as ours, inequality does not just widen the wealth gap. It thins the cognitive fabric of a generation.
To be young and poor in South Africa is to live under a constant hum of stress. Not only from the pressure to survive, but from the unrelenting weight of exclusion. Daily hunger, overcrowded classrooms, unsafe communities and fractured families are not only social problems. They are neurological assaults.
The Journal of African Economies (2024) confirms what many teachers and social workers already observe: young people who are not in education, employment or training (NEET) show an average 25 per cent decline in cognitive function compared to their peers. This includes memory retention, attention and problem-solving skills – core capacities needed for learning, working and thriving in a digital economy.
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When 78 per cent of Grade 4 learners cannot read for meaning, it is not merely a schooling crisis. It is an early warning signal of national cognitive decline. A country cannot build future industries when the foundational circuits of thought are short-circuited by inequality.
It is one thing for the youth to feel unseen. It is another when the very institutions that profit from their struggles begin to deny those struggles exist.
In a recent interview, Capitec CEO Gerrie Fourie stated that South Africa's unemployment rate was closer to 10 per cent, not the official 32.9 per cent, because informal traders in townships – those selling fruit on corners or running spaza shops – should be counted as economically active.
This was not a technical misstep. It was a rhetorical distortion. And in a country where millions are desperate for policy rooted in reality, it was deeply irresponsible.
Former Statistician-General Dr Pali Lehohla responded publicly, calling the remarks not only false but dangerous. Stats SA's labour force surveys already account for informal and self-employed workers. To imply otherwise is to undermine decades of statistical integrity and, more critically, to invalidate the lived experience of black South Africans bearing the brunt of joblessness.
When elite actors conflate survivalism with economic inclusion, they dilute the urgency of reform. They shift the focus from structural transformation to cosmetic storytelling.
If a fruit vendor earning R60 a day with no pension, no sick leave and no safety net is considered a success story, what does that say about the stories we are choosing not to tell?
In many South African households today, silence is no longer golden. It is algorithmic. Children sit quietly, heads bowed, not in prayer or study, but in submission to glowing screens. The home, once a place of learning, discipline and intergenerational exchange, has been rewired by bandwidth and buffering speeds.
Herein lies a growing national concern. We are witnessing not just screen addiction, but a form of mental colonialism, where the attention, aspirations and identities of our youth are shaped more by global content platforms than by families, schools, or national vision.
With an average of seven to nine hours of daily screen time, much of it spent on escapist and non-educational content, South Africa's youth are not only disengaging from traditional schooling. They are detaching from reality itself. Platforms like TikTok and Instagram are not merely entertainment. They are mental monopolies, shaping what is seen as success, who is worthy and what is worth thinking about.
What does it mean when a five-year-old learns to mimic influencers before they learn to write their name? When families eat together in silence, each person lost in their own algorithm? When attention spans shrink, not from medical conditions, but from the cumulative effect of curated distraction?
International research (Lancet Digital Health, 2023) shows that excessive digital exposure in under-resourced environments is directly linked to increased anxiety, poor memory and impaired critical thinking. In South Africa, this digital drift is compounded by the absence of adult intervention, overstretched parents and caregivers fighting their own battles.
We often ask what is wrong with the youth. But perhaps the harder question is: what has changed in our homes, in our language and in our expectations that has allowed this disengagement to take root?
South Africa has declared its commitment to the Fourth Industrial Revolution with urgency. Digital labs, AI workshops and coding bootcamps are rapidly expanding. But behind the buzzwords lies a quieter truth. A digital future cannot be built on a cognitively unprepared present.
The 4IR is not just about machines. It is about mindset. And if the mindset of our youth is marked by trauma, exhaustion and stagnation, no amount of laptops or programming apps will produce innovation.
The World Economic Forum (2025) notes that South Africa faces a 15 per cent skills deficit in key 4IR sectors, largely due to foundational weaknesses in education and mental health. But these numbers hide an even more sobering reality: our collective inability to sustain curiosity, build resilience and foster adaptive thinking among young people.
Innovation does not thrive in survival mode. It requires psychological safety, creative freedom and cognitive stimulation – all of which are in short supply when schools are under-resourced, homes are overstressed and national discourse remains reactive rather than regenerative.
A country cannot automate its way out of disconnection. It must first restore the minds that are meant to lead it.
South Africa does not need another commission. It needs a culture shift.
One that begins in the places we already live, teach, parent and lead.
Mental health must stop being treated as a specialist concern and instead be recognised as a developmental foundation, woven into the fabric of our public systems and social interactions.
What does that look like?
Make schools safe for the mind, not just the body
Trauma-informed teaching must become standard. Schools must foster emotional literacy, not just exam readiness.
– A maths teacher who affirms a child's artistic strength
– A school that includes 'mental focus breaks' alongside academic drills
– A child encouraged for who they are, not just what they score
Speak differently in our homes
Caregivers need practical tools to shift language from shame to support.
– A parent who says, 'What's on your mind?' instead of, 'What's wrong with you?'
– A grandmother who spots the signs of burnout
– A meal shared without screens, a conversation that says, 'You matter'
Unlock the power of peer support and mentorship
Not all wisdom comes from above. Youth-led groups and 'school mom' systems, where older pupils mentor juniors, can nurture resilience through companionship.
– A 17-year-old checking on a Grade 8 learner after school
– A WhatsApp group for venting, reflecting, dreaming
– A community centre that hosts healing circles, not just homework clubs
Elevate the language of leadership
Leaders must normalise mental health as a public priority, not an HR footnote.
– A mayor who opens a mobile wellness van
– A CEO who funds therapy access as part of youth skilling
– A minister who begins a policy speech with youth mental health statistics
South Africa has long been a nation of endurance. Under apartheid, we learned to bear pain in silence. But that legacy of suppression has hardened into something more troubling – a generational tolerance for despair.
Today's youth are not apathetic. They are exhausted. They are inheriting not only economic exclusion, but a national script that tells them to absorb, adapt and smile while doing it. But unlike 1976, today's battle is not fought in the streets. It is waged in the mind.
What happens when a generation stands to lose even more, but no longer remembers how to resist?
The cost of cognitive stagnation is not measured in hospital beds or dropout rates alone. It is felt in the silence of unasked questions, the flicker of disengaged eyes, the absence of outrage in a time that demands resistance.
It is Youth Month in South Africa. We owe this generation more than inspiration. We owe them infrastructure for the mind.
Let us build a country where mental health is not a private burden but a public resource. Where every home is a place of healing, every school a space of stimulation, every community a site of cognitive resilience. Let us stop asking when the 4IR will save us and start asking whether we are preparing young minds to lead it.
There is no revolution without reflection.
Nomvula Zeldah Mabuza is a Risk Governance and Compliance Specialist with extensive experience in strategic risk and industrial operations. She holds a Diploma in Business Management (Accounting) from Brunel University, UK, and is an MBA candidate at Henley Business School, South Africa.
Image: Supplied
There is no innovation without imagination.
And there is no future without the mental wealth to imagine it.
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During his presidency, Zuma aligned with South Africa's longstanding pro-Sahrawi stance, rooted in the anti-colonial ethos that progressive forces like the EFF champion as a cornerstone of our foreign policy. He hosted Polisario delegations, recognised the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), and condemned Morocco's occupation, viewing it as akin to apartheid's domination. This was no mere rhetoric; it reflected a commitment to self-determination for Africa's last colony. Yet, after having formed the MK party, Zuma's principles evaporated into thin air for the lure of easy money to finance the MK party, which is nothing but a family enterprise for himself and his close family members. Now, as MK party leader, he jets to Rabat on July 15-16, 2025, meets Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita, and declares his party 'recognises the historical and legal context underpinning Morocco's claim to Western Sahara.' He praises the 'Autonomy Plan' as a path to 'peace, development, and stability,' ignoring its repressive core. This sudden about-face is inexplicable, save for the whispers of self-interest. Zuma justifies this by invoking Morocco's 'historic support' – referencing ANC training camps in Oujda during exile. But as is the case with so many of Zuma's stories, this mostly fake and twisted narrative lacks authenticity: Morocco's aid was selective and overshadowed by its covert alliances with apartheid South Africa, including arms deals. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ To use it now as cover for endorsing colonialism is betrayal incarnate. And the financial allegations? Reports suggest Moroccan incentives have swayed the MK party's stance, turning policy into a transaction. These claims, emerging amid the MK party's internal turmoil, paint Zuma's pivot as crass opportunism – dirhams for doctrine, propping up a fledgling and faltering party at the expense of principles. The flag display is the crowning insult. In Rabat, Zuma unfurled our national colours during the meeting, creating the illusion of official South African endorsement. This falsely claims he speaks for the nation, undermining our sovereignty by misrepresenting our voice on the world stage. It erodes the progressive foreign policy that has positioned South Africa as a champion of decolonisation – recognising SADR, advocating referendums, and isolating occupiers. Zuma's opportunistic stunt fractures African unity, handing Morocco a propaganda win to weaken the AU's anti-colonial resolve and embolden oppressors from Rabat to Tel Aviv. This is counterrevolutionary betrayal: a former freedom fighter aiding imperialism, diluting the ethos of Mandela, Hani, and Sankara for personal vendettas and gain. The 'Autonomy Plan'? A Bantustan redux: nominal local rule under Rabat's boot, echoing apartheid's segregated Homelands – unviable puppets denying true freedom. As the late revolutionary icon Winnie Madikizela-Mandela aptly put it in her 2010 speech on Western Sahara, 'We also experienced an attempt at so-called autonomy. Several 'Bantustans', which were ethnically based, totally unviable, 'independent' states, were created on 13% of the most unproductive parts of the country. They were led by puppet dictators. The people rejected these 'countries' outright despite some having been given official recognition by certain Western and African countries.' This led her to suggest that Morocco must have taken lessons from the apartheid regimes. To fully grasp why Zuma's endorsement of this plan is so odious, one must understand the short but brutal history of the oppression of the Sahrawi people. Western Sahara, a vast desert territory on Africa's northwest coast, was colonised by Spain in 1884, becoming known as Spanish Sahara. The indigenous Sahrawi, nomadic Arab-Berber tribes with a rich cultural heritage of poetry, camel herding, and resistance, endured harsh Spanish rule for nearly a century. By the 1970s, as decolonisation swept the continent, the Sahrawis formed the Polisario Front in 1973 to demand independence, inspired by global anti-colonial movements. Spain's withdrawal in 1975, amid UN calls for a self-determination referendum, opened the door to betrayal. Morocco, under King Hassan II, launched the 'Green March' – a mass civilian invasion backed by military forces – claiming historical ties dismissed by the International Court of Justice. Simultaneously, Mauritania invaded from the south. The secret Madrid Accords partitioned the territory, ignoring Sahrawi rights and sparking a guerrilla war. Mauritania withdrew in 1979, but Morocco annexed its share, escalating oppression. Moroccan forces bombed civilian camps with napalm and phosphorus, displacing over 100,000 Sahrawis into Algerian refugee camps, where generations have grown up in exile. Morocco's tactics grew more insidious: constructing the 2,700-kilometre Berm wall in the 1980s – fortified with landmines, radar, and troops – to bisect the territory and contain Polisario fighters. This 'wall of shame' symbolises division, trapping Sahrawis in poverty while Morocco exploits phosphates, fisheries, and potential oil reserves worth billions. Human rights abuses abound: arbitrary arrests, torture, forced disappearances, and suppression of Sahrawi culture and language. A 1991 UN ceasefire promised an independence referendum, but Morocco has obstructed it for decades, proposing instead the Autonomy Plan – limited self-rule under its sovereignty, excluding full freedom. The 2020 ceasefire collapse, triggered by Moroccan incursions, reignited low-intensity conflict, with Polisario resuming armed resistance. Over 170,000 Sahrawi refugees remain in Algerian camps, facing food shortages and harsh conditions, while occupied zones see protests met with brutality. This oppression, violating over 100 UN resolutions, echoes colonial patterns, denying self-determination and perpetuating Africa's last colony. As the EFF, we reject it with the utter contempt that it deserves; we will continue to protest, boycott, and demand justice. Zuma's actions won't deter us; they fuel our revolutionary fire. We call for probes into the MK party's financial ties with the very wealthy Moroccan Royal family, mass protests, and AU expulsion for Morocco. Forward to liberation for the Sahrawi people. The betrayal and oppression of the Sahrawi people will certainly not be tolerated in our name. * Carl Niehaus is a Member of Parliament for the Economic Freedom Fighters. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
